Suchergebnisse

This dissertation examines urban transformation in Ordos, Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, between 2001 and 2011. The study is situated in the context of research into urbanization in China as the country moved from a mostly rural population to a mostly urban one in the 2000s and as urbanization emerged as a primary objective of the state at various levels. To date, the preponderance of research on Chinese urbanization has produced theory and empirical work through observation of a narrow selection of metropolitan regions of the eastern seaboard. This study is instead a single-city case study of an emergent center for energy resource mining in a frontier region of China. Intensification of coalmining in Ordos coincided with coal-sector reforms and burgeoning demand in the 2000s, which fueled rapid growth in the local economy during the study period. Urban development in a setting of rapid resource-based growth sets the frame in this study in terms of "frontier boomtown urbanism." Urban transformation is considered in its physical, political, cultural, and environmental dimensions. Research for this study is based on six months of on-site fieldwork in Ordos, historical research, and reviews of English-language and Chinese-language scholarship.Chapter One of the dissertation provides a discussion of theoretical issues pertaining to historical and current-day frontiers and boomtowns. The idea of the frontier as a space of cultural encounter is discussed in relation to China's relations with societies inhabiting its borderlands. The frontier is also elucidated in the context of economic-geographical literatures that posit the peculiar economic functions of marginal spaces. The notion of the "commodity frontier" is elaborated in order to position Ordos as a frontier boomtown. Chapter Two of the dissertation examines the processes and mechanisms by which Ordos became a frontier for coalmining in the 2000s. Chapter Three and Chapter Four discuss urban growth amidst a resource boom. Chapter Three considers urban growth through modular land development schemes. Chapter Four employs the idea of gigantism to elucidate the cultural logic of city building. The focus in both chapters is on the production of spectacular new built environments and how these manifest struggles to achieve broader-based and sustainable urban development. Chapter Five examines the phenomenon of private finance as a key driver of urbanization in the frontier boomtown. Unregulated speculative property development is shown to be a key mitigating factor in the local state's effort to enhance social control through the production of new urban space and reveals an unexamined source of non-state development activity.Frontier boomtown urbanism shows how city building has become the ubiquitous and basic activity of the local state in China. The frontier setting is distinguished by the intensity, pace, and scale of growth and by the highly disorganized course that urbanization takes.

This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas.[i] For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of "end users", be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) "unsecured borderlands" where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) "contested Leviathans", that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) "securitised policy spaces" in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders.

This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas.[i] For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of "end users", be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) "unsecured borderlands" where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) "contested Leviathans", that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) "securitised policy spaces" in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders.

Цель статьи — проанализировать роль Калининградской области во внешней политике Польши после 1989 г. Анализ касается политических и региональных детерминант, влияние которых на отношения между Польшей и Калининградской областью было наиболее значимым. Используемая методология представляет собой характеристику политической науки, которая основывается на анализе первоисточников (документов) и вспомогательных источников (научные публикации, печатные статьи). Также использовался системный анализ и анализ решений. Рассматривается период после 1989 г., когда отмена Ялтинско-Постдамской системы повлекла геополитические изменения, в результате которых Польша смогла пересмотреть приоритеты своей внешней политики. Одним из серьезных вызовов для польской дипломатии после 1989 г. стало развитие экономических и политических отношений с Российской Федерацией. Приграничное сотрудничество между Польшей и Россией осуществляется в том числе в рамках еврорегиональных структур, которые функционируют в приграничных районах. Анализ этого вопроса является важным для дальнейшего сотрудничества в российско-польском пограничье, особенно после вступления в силу договора о местном приграничном движении в 2012 г. * Варминьско-Мазурский университет в Ольштыне. 10-719, Польша, Ольштын, ул. Очаповского, 2. Поступила в редакцию 12.0 9.2012 г. doi:10.5922/2074-9848-2012-4-6 © Хелминак М., Котович В., 2012 Одним из важных выводов исследования стало заключение о том, что реализация договора о местном приграничном движении может способствовать улучшению приграничных отношений, но это принципиально не изменит роль Калининградской области во внешней политике Польши. ; This article sets out to analyse the role of the Kaliningrad region in the Polish foreign policy after 1989. The analysis focuses on the political and regional determi nants, which had the greatest impact on the Poland-Kaliningrad region relations. The methodology used in the article is not unusual for political science and is based on analysing original (documents) and secondary (scholarly publications, press artic les) sources. The authors also use the system and decision analysis methods. The ana lysis covers the period after 1989, when the geopolitical changes brought about by the collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam order resulted in Poland redefine the priorities of its foreign policy. One of the most important challenges for the Polish diplomacy after 1989 was the development of economic and political relations with the Russian Federation. Cross-border cooperation between Poland and the Kaliningrad Region is conducted, inter alia, through euroregional structures functioning in the border areas. The analysis of this issue is vital for further cooperation in the Polish-Russian borderland, especially after the conclusion of the local border traffic agreement in 2012. The authors come to a conclusion that the iimplementation of the local border traf fic agreement can improve cross-border relations but it will not significantly chan ge the role of the Kaliningrad region in the Polish foreign policy.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of travelling across Estonian-Finnish borders, most widely positioned in the field of migration, mobility and border-crossing practises. The subjects of travelling are the Estonians who live permanently in Finland for the purpose of work, studies or other reasons and travel regularly to Estonia in order to facilitate lasting transnational connections. Thus, I treat travelling in this study as a necessity, which is a different approach compared to travel as leisure or self-exploration which are part of many other contemporary discourses on travel. Recent critical literature talks against the mystified perception of travel, a product of colonialism, and argues that travel should instead be viewed through its practical manifestations in people's daily lives. People's daily practises again, including travelling and border-crossing are culturally, politically, ideologically and economically bounded. For grasping better the travel in a deeply contextualised way I have firstly drawn out geographical, cultural, linguistic, political and economic connections between Estonia and Finland in historical perspective. Subsequently, I concentrate on the period of the communist régime in Estonian history and discuss the practical issues related to travelling abroad in Soviet Estonia. The latter approach is especially useful in my attempt to demystify the travel and border-crossing behind the "Iron Curtain". The methodological approach to the study is the combination of ethnography and auto-ethnography. The ethnography is based on thematic interviews with travellers, experts on travelling, and observations in the travel settings. Autoethnographic narrations are present, because I have been an active traveller in the Estonian-Finnish borderlands and my own experiences shape considerably the interpretations of the whole phenomenon as presented herein. The Estonian-Finnish border-crossing practises are specifically defined, because the travelling takes place overseas, and usually the means of transportation used is a passenger ferry, which is a central element in the studied ethnographies. The special characteristics of the overseas connections lead the following in-depth argumentations about the meanings and practises of journey today and in the past focussing on the time-distance relations, space-place-nonplace connections, travel functionality, and handling transitions in transnational spaces. Finally I show one possible way how to understand the individual's agency in the everyday-life applications of a travel, which are overwhelmingly moulded by state policies and economic forces. I argue that if the world is organised in global projects then as a parallel there are existent the personal life projects that people try to realise in the best way within the given macro conditions. The manifestations of a travel thus are the negotiations between the global and personal projects. Keywords: travelling, border-crossing, ferry-trip, ethnography, Estonians, Finland

Maximilian C. Forte; Ruins of Absence, Presence of Caribs: (Post)Colonial Representations of Aboriginality in Trinidad and Tobago (Neil L. Whitehead)Nick Nesbitt; Voicing Memory: History and Subjectivity in French Caribbean Literature (H. Adlai Murdoch)Camilla Stevens; Family and Identity in Contemporary Cuban and Puerto Rican Drama (Lydia Platón)Jonathan Goldberg; Tempest in the Caribbean (Jerry Brotton)Michael Chanan; Cuban Cinema (Tamara L. Falicov)Gemma Tang Nain, Barbara Bailey (eds.); Gender Equality in the Caribbean: Reality or Illusion (A. Lynn Bolles)Ernesto Sagás, Sintia E. Molina (eds.); Dominican Migration: Transnational Perspectives (Rosemary Polanco)Christine M. Du Bois; Images of West Indian Immigrants in Mass Media: The Struggle for a Positive Ethnic Reputation (Dwaine Plaza)Luis Raúl Cámara Fuertes; The Phenomenon of Puerto Rican Voting (Annabelle Conroy)Philip Gould; Barbaric Traffic: Commerce and Antislavery in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (William A. Pettigrew)Laurent Dubois; Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Yvonne Fabella)Sibylle Fischer; Modernity Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Ashli White)Philip D. Morgan, Sean Hawkins (eds.); Black Experience and the British Empire (James Walvin)Richard Smith; Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness (Linden Lewis)Muriel McAvoy; Sugar Baron: Manuel Rionda and the Fortunes of Pre-Castro Cuba (Richard Sicotte)Ned Sublette; Cuba and Its Music: From the First Drums to the Mambo (Pedro Pérez Sarduy)Frances Negrón-Muntaner; Boricua Pop: Puerto Ricans and the Latinization of American Culture (Halbert Barton)Gordon Rohlehr; A Scuffling of Islands: Essays on Calypso (Stephen Stuempfle)Shannon Dudley; Carnival Music in Trinidad: Experiencing Music, Expressing Culture (Donald R. Hill)Jean-Marc Terrine; La ronde des derniers maîtres de bèlè (Julian Gerstin)Alexander Alland, Jr.; Race in Mind: Race, IQ, and Other Racisms (Autumn Barrett)Livio Sansone; Blackness Without Ethnicity: Constructing Race in Brazil (Autumn Barrett)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen, W. van Wetering; In the Shadow of the Oracle: Religion as Politics in a Suriname Maroon Society (George L. Huttar, Mary L. Huttar)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 1 & 2

Marcus Wood; Slavery, Empathy, and Pornography (Lynn M. Festa)Michèle Praeger; The Imaginary Caribbean and Caribbean Imaginary (Celia Britton)Charles V. Carnegie; Postnationalism Prefigured: Caribbean Borderlands (John Collins)Mervyn C. Alleyne; The Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World (Charles V. Carnegy)Jerry Gershenhorn; Melville J. Herskovits and the Racial Politics of Knowledge (Richard Price)Sally Cooper Coole; Ruth Landes: A Life in Anthropology (Olivia Maria Gomes Da Cunha)Maureen Warner Lewis; Central Africa in the Caribbean: Transcending Time, Transforming Cultures (Robert W. Slenes)Gert Oostindie (ed.); Facing up to the Past: Perspectives on the Commemoration of Slavery from Africa, the Americas and Europe (Gad Heuman)Gert Oostindie, Inge Klinkers; Decolonising the Caribbean: Dutch Policies in a Comparative Perspective (Paul Sutton)Kirk Peter Meigho; Politics in a 'Half-Made Society': Trinidad and Tobago, 1925-2001 (Douglas Midgett)Linden Lewis (ed.); The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean (David A.B. Murray)Gertrude Aub-Buscher, Beverly Ormerod Noakes (eds.); The Francophone Caribbean Today: Literature, Language, Culture (Elizabeth Walcott-Hackshaw)Sally Lloyd-Evans, Robert B. Potter; Gender, Ethnicity and the Iinformal Sector in Trinidad (Katherine E. Browne)STeve Striffler, Mark Moberg (eds.); Banana Wars: Power, Production and History in the Americas (Peter Clegg)Johannes Postma, Victor Enthoven (eds.); Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585-1817 (Gert J. Oostindie)Phil Davison; Volcano in Paradise: Death and Survival on the Caribbean Island of Montserrat (Bonham C. Richardson)Ernest Zebrowski jr; The Last Days of St. Pierre: The Volcanic Disaster that Claimed Thirty Thousand Lives (Bernard Moitt)Beverley A. Steele; Grenada: A History of Its People (Jay R. Mandle)Walter C. Soderlund (ed.); Mass Media and Foreign Policy: Post-Cold War Crises in the Caribbean (Jason Parker)Charlie Whitham; Bitter Rehearsal: British and American Planning for a Post-War West Indies (Jason Parker)Douglas V. Amstrong; Creole Transformation from Slavery to Freedom: Historical Archaeology of the East End Community, St. John, Virgin Islands (Karin Fog Olwig)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen; Een koloniaal drama: De grote staking van de Marron vrachtvaarders, 1921 (Chris de Beet)Joseph F. Callo; Nelson in the Caribbean: The Hero Emerges, 1784-1787 (Carl E. Swanson)Jorge Duany; The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States (Juan Flores)Raquel Z. Rivera; New York Ricans from the Hip Hop Zone (Halbert Barton)Alfonso J. García Osuna; The Cuban Filmography, 1897 through 2001 (Ann Marie Stock)Michael Aceto, Jeffrey P. Williams (eds.); Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean (Geneviève Escure)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG) 79 (2005), no. 1 & 2

SUMMARY:
From the very beginning of the Trans-Siberian railway's construction, the Finance Minister S. Iu. Witte, had highlighted the decisive importance of colonization to the venture's eventual success or failure. In analogous fashion, the question of settlement was intimately related to the building of the Trans-Manchurian Chinese Eastern Railway (CER). The eventual result of a convoluted intra-bureaucratic process was a community of Jewish migrants living in China's Northeast, where the railroad bridged the Sungari. Granted religious freedoms in the hope that they would generate freight for the CER, the Jews shared the city with the railway technocrats, who lived on the hillside overlooking the city blocks that covered the riverside flats where opium poppies had grown until the 1890s.

The 1913 municipal census data reveals the actual dimensions of Harbin's sizeable Jewish community. In Siberia, only Irkutsk had more (6,100 in 1909). However, taken as a percentage of Russian passport holders, Harbin's 5,032 Jews added up to 11.5%. In Irkutsk, they were only 5.6%. In addition to schools that simply ignored the numerus clausus of Imperial Russia, Harbin had several synagogues, a burial brotherhood, cheder , cemetery, mikva , old age home, Talmud Torah, Jewish Women's Charity Committee, and library. Population data shows a stable community in terms of age structure and sex ratio. Totals from the metric books of the Jewish community provided by the Heilongjiang Provincial Archive also corroborate this conclusion.

The Finance Ministry's continued defense of this anomaly in the bleak and anti-Semitic atmosphere of pogrom Russia posited a relationship between state and society fundamentally different from the status quo in European Russia. In the Far East social organization and initiative were, by and large, regarded as allies of the state. Furthermore, life in the borderland allowed interethnic strife to be absorbed by international competition. In essence, the Jews of Harbin were hailed as the Cossacks of the twentieth century, where cavalry raid had been replaced by trade war and stockade had given way to stock exchange.

So how "imperial" was Harbin, after all? At first glance, it is doubly imperial, both as a contiguous piece of the Russian Empire in its final days and as the cutting edge of Russian imperialism in its attempt to subjugate and even annex a(nother) large chunk of northeast China. On careful archival examination, however, we find that Witte's devious methods and Kokovtsov/Khorvat's able defense actually led to the creation of an urban environment, both politically and socially far from the norms of the Russian Empire, just a bordercrossing away. Harbin's Jewish community was one of the chief beneficiaries of this liberal alternative, owing its existence and prosperity to rules of play that Siberia and European Russia would never see. Until 1950, minyans would meet at Harbin.

This dissertation explores the implications of borders and boundaries for how forcibly displaced young Georgians from Abkhazia understand issues of belonging and return. My theoretical framework draws from theories on home and belonging as well as theories on border and boundary making, and locates them in geographies of uncertainty – or riskscapes – areas characterized by conflict and/or inequality. Empirical data was collected through two sets of interviews in Zugdidi near the border to Abkhazia and a questionnaire survey in Zugdidi and the capital Tbilisi. These data have been analysed through both qualitative and quantitative methods. The young respondents providing material for this research do not constitute a homogenous group. Some of the respondents have family still living in Abkhazia or even partly grew up in the area; others have never been there. The primary goal of the Georgian government has been that the displaced population should return to their homes, and the government's efforts for local integration has long been insufficient. Since no peace accords have been signed, a lack of security prevents a large-scale return. Notwithstanding increased border controls that have made it difficult to visit former homes, some young people still cross the de facto border. By doing this they contest both the Abkhazian de facto authorities and the border as a symbol of separation and differentiation, while claiming a right to belong in Abkhazia. Property and social relations in Abkhazia contribute to stronger connections and an imperative to return. On the other hand, experience of hardship in contemporary Abkhazia has resulted in some young people not considering return as a viable option. Youth who never visited Abkhazia depend mainly on other peoples' memories and political discourse to create emotional bonds to the area their parents fled and to form their ideas of return. Results from the quantitative survey indicate that youth living in Tbilisi, closer to the political centre, to a higher extent intend to return than their peers in Zugdidi. Meanwhile young people's experiences of everyday life in current dwellings in relative stability create emotional bonds to their present place of living. These experiences challenge both collective processes and experiences from Abkhazia when it comes to maintaining the desire to return. This research offers insights into the human consequences of war and conflict. More specifically, this dissertation sheds light on how young internally displaced persons (IDPs) are living in a borderland (in both temporal and spatial terms) characterized by uncertainty-- between the past and the future as well as between Georgia and Abkhazia. Practices of exclusion and segregation are constitutive of the borders and boundaries that permeate life experiences of the forcibly displaced youth. Furthermore, these borders and boundaries are situated in riskscapes of disputed belongings, which makes this borderland more or less stable for different groups of IDPs. This dissertation contributes to an increased understanding of how political aspirations and personal desire to return preserves instability and uncertainty as long as return is not possible. ; Denna avhandling undersöker konsekvenserna av gränser och gränsskapande för hur unga georgiska internflyktingar från Abkhazien förstår frågor om tillhörighet och återvändande. Jag utgår från teorier om hem och tillhörighet, liksom teorier om gränser och gränsskapande, och lokaliserar dem till geografier av osäkerhet – "riskscapes" – områden som karaktäriseras av konflikter och/eller ojämlikheter. Det datamaterial som ligger till grund för avhandlingen utgörs av två intervjustudier i Zugdidi nära gränsen till Abkhazien; och en enkätstudie som genomfördes i Zugdidi och i den georgiska huvudstaden Tbilisi. Materialet har analyserats genom användande av både kvalitativa och kvantitativa metoder. Avhandlingens respondenter utgör inte en homogen grupp. Några respondenter har familj och släktingar som bor i Abkhazien eller har delvis växt upp i området, medan andra aldrig ens varit där. Det primära målet för den georgiska regeringen har varit att internflyktingarna ska återvända till sina hem, och regeringens ansträngningar för integration i lokalsamhället har länge varit otillräckliga. Det saknas fredsavtal och bristen på säkerhet förhindrar återvändande i stor skala. Trots de ökade gränskontroller som gjort det svårt att korsa de facto gränslinjen tar sig en del ungdomar ändå over gränsen. Genom att göra detta bestrider de både de abkhaziska de facto myndigheterna och gränsen som symbol för separation och åtskillnad, medan de hävdar sin rätt att känna tillhörighet till Abkhazien. Att ha ett hus och sociala relationer i Abkhazien bidrar till emotionella band och en starkare uppmaning till att återvända. Å andra sidan kan erfarenheterna av vardagens umbäranden inne i Abkhazien resultera i att unga människor inte ser återvändande som ett tänkbart alternativ. Ungdomar som aldrig varit i Abkhazien är beroende av andra människors minnen och politiska diskurser för att skapa känslomässiga band och tankar om återvändande till det område deras föräldrar har flytt från. Resultat från den kvantitativa undersökningen visar vidare att ungdomar som bor i Tbilisi, närmare Georgiens politiska centrum, i högre grad anger att de har för avsikt att återvända än deras jämnåriga i Tbilisi. Ungdomars erfarenheter av vardagslivet i sina nuvarande bostäder i relativ stabilitet bidrar emellertid till att skapa känslomässiga band till den aktuella bostadsorten. Dessa erfarenheter utmanar på så vis både de kollektiva processerna och erfarenheter från Abkhazien när det gäller att upprätthålla drömmen om återvändande. Avhandlingen bidrar med insikter om konsekvenser av krig och konflikter för människors vardagsliv. Mer specifikt belyser jag hur avhandlingens unga respondenter lever i en sorts rumsligt och temporalt gränsland mellan det förflutna och framtiden och mellan Georgien och Abkhazien, och detta gränsland kännetecknas av osäkerhet. Praktiker av isärhållande och segregering är konstituerande för de gränser som genomsyrar internflyktingungdomarnas erfarenheter. Dessa gränser är dessutom situerade i "riskscapes" av ifrågasatta tillhörigheter, som gör gränslandet mer eller mindre stabilt för olika grupper av internflyktingar. Avhandlingen bidrar med en ökad förståelse för hur politiska ambitioner och personliga drömmar om återvändande håller kvar människor i instabilitet och osäkerhet så länge återvändandet inte är möjligt. ; Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 3 inskickat. At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 3 submitted.

At the outset I introduce a dominant mode of analysing border control, common in public discourses, namely the closed system perspective. This is then juxtaposed to what I claim is a more promising conceptual framework, namely that of borderscapes, which serves to highlight the dynamic, relational and multilocal character of European border control. This is then elaborated via a critical gaze at several attempts to defi ne how European states have attempted to externalize migration control to other countries in terms of supranational policy drives, ripple and mimicry effects. This then facilitates a more nuanced understanding of externalization. Since border control reterritorializes geographic spaces according to the mobility of the people through them, it follows that the EU's border control, and with it also aspects of the union's asylum policy, have both biopolitical and geopolitical implications. Accordingly, the chapter invokes the works of Foucault and Agamben in an attempt to identify the political economy underpinning the EU's mobility regime of free and forced fl ows. This perspective also allows for useful spatial interpretations of the relations between cartographic representation of the phenomenon of migration and the sovereign power involved in producing knowledge about migration and border control. By analysing the European efforts to reconstruct its borderscapes through the externalization of detention camps to Libya, I argue that focusing only on sovereign power and the production of free circulation for some, and forced fl ows of others, risk bypassing other political, technocratic and public–private dynamics. The chapter focuses in particular on the intergovernmental and supranational negotiations of a Northwestern Triade of EU states, namely the Netherlands, the UK and Denmark, alongside Germany and Italy, which facilitated the rise of Libya as a host state for preemptive European control of asylum seekers. These dynamics are crucial when seeking a comprehensive understanding of how the EurAfrican dynamics of border control are characterized by the export of control to regions like Libya or Egypt. This, in turn, has prompted two parallel developments reinforcing one another: On the one hand, it has led to the closure of legal escape routes from Africa and the Middle East, which in turn has created the unprecedented rise of a smuggling industry operating often fatal alternative routes. On the other hand, European border control and its 'combat against smugglers' has emerged as a massively lucrative market for the European arms industry, both in terms of contracts to guard the EU's external borders and in terms of the export of weapons and control systems to North African states. Finally, the chapter suggests that while many forced migration researchers have tended to view border control as a reaction to the movement of already-displaced people, externalization is in fact a cause of transnational displacement and forced migration in itself. I label this specifi c kind of forced migration brought about by EU border control 'border- induced displacement', since this allow us to appraise both the functionality of the EurAfrican border regime and the humanitarian consequences characterizing this kind of displacement. Perhaps we can then provide some tentative answers to those asking how the tragedy at Lampedusa could have happened.

После разделов Речи Посполитой перед новыми властями встала проблема определения статуса мелкой шляхты в сословной иерархии Российской империи. На рубеже XVIII-XIX вв. этот вопрос решался в Сенате. В апреле 1800 г. по представлению 3-го департамента Сената, Павел I подтвердил фискальный иммунитет мелкой шляхты и другие привилегии, которыми она пользовалась в Речи Посполитой. Однако в том же году после рассмотрения частного вопроса о налогообложении шляхты, оказавшейся в Новороссийской губернии, 1-й департамент Сената принял две резолюции, противоречащие смыслу апрельского постановления. В статье анализируются обстоятельства принятия департаментами Сената решений, которые отразили разные подходы к проблеме включения малоимущего нобилитета западных губерний в состав высшего сословия Российской империи. Постановление 3-го департамента предполагало кооптацию целой группы посредством законодательного признания ее привилегированного статуса. В основе резолюций 1-го департамента лежала установка на интеграцию в ряды российского дворянства каждого шляхтича в индивидуальном порядке. В итоге предпочтение было отдано второй модели, по которой принадлежность к шляхте должна была регулироваться в соответствии с российскими законами. ; After the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795 the Russian empire faced a problem of determining the social status of petty Polish nobles (szlachta) in imperial hierarchy. At the turn of the 19th century the Senate was the governmental body that had to resolve this issue. In April of 1800 Paul I approved the proposal of the Senate's 3d department to confirm lesser szlachta's fiscal immunity and other privileges enjoyed by her under Rzecz Pospolita. Yet, in the same year the Senate's 1st department when deliberating on a separate case of szlachta's tax status in Novorossiysk province, passed two resolutions that contradicted the legal norm adopted in April. This paper focuses on the analysis of circumstances under which the Senate's departments came to different decisions on the same problem. Their resolutions reflected two approaches to the policy of petty szlachta's inclusion in the imperial nobility. The resolution of the 3d department, supported by Paul I, envisaged a co-optation of szlachta as a social group through legislative confirmation of its privileged status in the empire. The approach of the 1st department emphasized the necessity of szlachta's integration into imperial nobility on the individual basis (by submitting proofs of noble origin compliant to the Russian laws). As a result the imperial government gave preference to the second model of inclusion.

Вопросы социальной сферы всегда находились под пристальным вниманием органов местного самоуправления. Особой заботой как центральной власти, так и органов местного самоуправления была организация системы обучения, между тем до XIX в. в Калмыцкой степи имели место только хурульные и миссионерские школы, сыгравшие положительную роль на определенном этапе развития в деле распространения грамотности среди калмыцкого населения. Светское образование зародилось в Калмыцкой степи лишь в середине XIX в. Процесс инкорпорирования национальных окраин Российской империи выдвигал на первый план необходимость в квалифицированных кадрах, способных участвовать в управлении территорией в рамках имперского законодательства. В статье на основе архивных документов рассматривается деятельность органов местного самоуправления Калмыцкой степи в XIX начале XX вв. Особое внимание уделяется решениям улусных и аймачных сходов об открытии школ и их финансировании. Автор делает вывод о том, что общественное управление при дефиците средств на финансирование народного образования у государства находило их, тем самым нарушая планы консервативного правительства. Таким образом, под воздействием экономического, национального и исторического факторов, превращаясь из духовного в светское, шел процесс становления системы народного образования в Калмыцкой степи в XIX начале XX вв. Исследование показало, что эффективное ее развитие, во многом зависело от деятельности органов местного самоуправления. Однако Калмыцкая степь все еще оставалась одной из отсталых в культурном отношении окраин России. ; Issues of social sphere have always been given close attention by local authorities. Thus, both the Central government and local authorities were concerned by the organization of the teaching system. Meanwhile, until the 19th century there were only Khurul and missionary schools in the Kalmyk steppe which played a positive role in spreading literacy among the Kalmyk population. Secular education was born in the Kalmyk steppe only in the middle of the 19 century. The incorporation of the national borderlands of the Russian Empire brought to the fore the need for qualified personnel able to participate in the governance of the territory under the Imperial law. On the basis of archival documents, the author examines the activities of bodies of local self-government of the Kalmyk steppe in the 19 early 20 centuries. Special attention is paid to the decisions of ulus and aimak gatherings on the issue of opening the schools and their funding. The author concludes that despite the deficit of funding for public education, the public administration managed to solve the problem with the help of the state, thus breaking the plans of the conservative government. So, under the influence of economic, national and historical factors, the process of establishment of the system of education in the Kalmyk steppe during the 19 early 20 centuries was taking place. The research has shown that its effective development was dependent on the activities of bodies of local self-government. However, the Kalmyk steppe was still one of the culturally backward border regions of Russia.

The aim of the paper was to compare the situation of the Polish minority in the three bordering countries: Lithuania, Latvia and Belarus. Despite similar historical circumstances contemporary groups of Polish minority in the lands of former Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Polish Livonia living in the different socio-economic and political conditioning. This situation affecting their relations with other ethnic groups and state authorities. All of the researched areas – Vilnius region in Lithuania, Latgale region in Latvia, Hrodna region in Belarus – are multicultural. In all, owing to special circumstances of Eastern Slavic-Baltic ethnic borderland, a compact Polish ethnic area was formed. Despite the deportation and postwar emigration of Poles and despite that areas inhabited by them belong to three different states, the Polish population still represents a significant proportion of the population, affecting the local socio-cultural and political life. The analysis of census data and maps indicates the progressive decrease of the Polish population and retreat of Polish ethnic area. However, recent censuses show the vary – depending on the region – processes. In Lithuania the stabilization of the ethnical structure of the population is observed. Despite the hostile attitude of Lithuanian nationalists and state authorities that often remain under their influence, Polish population takes advantage of the civil rule of law to consolidate its assets. In Belarus further melting of Polish ethnic area is observed, associated with a decrease in the number of Poles, both in absolute and relative terms. This can be combined with both the difficult situation of the Polish population in the Soviet period (no schools and other Polish institutions), and the current socio-political situation in Belarus. Under Lukashenka's dictatorial rule the Polish minority action is merely tolerated. Government support the policy of the tsarist and Soviet authorities, under which local Poles were considered as regional (Catholic) branch of the Belarusian people. Paradoxically, the relatively best situation concern the Polish population in Latvia, where Polish community is the least numerous, both in absolute and relative terms. The clear revival of Polish socio-cultural, and even increasing participation of Poles in some areas, can be observed. The Latvian authorities are positively oriented to the Polish socio-cultural initiatives, seeing the Polish movement as a counterweight to the demographic dominance of East Slavic population (Russians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians) in the south-eastern part of the country. ; Pomimo podobnych uwarunkowań historycznych mniejszość polska, zamieszkująca tereny dawnego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego i Inflant Polskich, w zależności od miejsca zamieszkania (Litwa, Łotwa, Białoruś) znajduje się w odmiennej sytuacji społeczno-gospodarczej i polityczno- -ustrojowej. Odciska się to na relacjach mniejszości polskiej z innymi grupami etnicznymi oraz władzami państwowymi. Analiza sytuacji sugeruje, iż pod wieloma względami najlepsze warunki dla pielęgnowania swojej odrębności (pomimo niewielkiej liczebności) ma mniejszość polska na Łotwie. Na przeciwległym krańcu, choć najliczniejsza, znajduje się mniejszość polska na Białorusi.

The article surveys questions related to the situation of the communist elites of allied Soviet republics during and after the collapse of the USSR. The author analizes the questions whether qualitative and quantitative changes happened in the highest layers of the power or the alterations were nominal. What actions had the major significance for the maintenance of the Soviet nomenclature power during the Soviet system's fundamental breakdown – the character and strength of the local nomenclature's social networks, their flexibility and adequacy when reacting to the sudden changes of the sociopolitical situation in the metropoly of the Soviet empire and in the national borderlands, the authority and personal charisma of local political leaders, the character of relationships between them and the political-administrative establishment of the centre, and with the emerging alternative local forces or more general geopolitical circumstances? The role of social groups involved into the processes of the perestroika, democratization in the change or maintenance of the communist elites are also discussed in the article. With reference to the biograms of the "last" first secretaries of the CP of allied republics, their generative, professional, and political experience is analyzed, and the given information allows to label them as "ideological" or "technocracy" wing of the party's high nomenclature. The article shows the number of the "lasts" first secretaries of the CP who managed not only to keep their positions and real influence in the post-Soviet transitional period, but also managed to become high officials, leaders and even presidents of new independent countries. On the basis of the Baltic countries transiting to the liberal democracy, the group of states ruled by so-called "competitive authoritarianism" and the authoritarian Central Asian republics, the article analyzes how and why national elites managed not only to adapt to the ongoing sociopolitical changes, but also had been able to control and direct them to the profitable direction. According to the latest studies of transitology and historiography of this topic, the author seeks to explain why the real scale of changes of the highest power elites of the former Soviet republics was relatively low. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas SSRS sąjunginių respublikų komunistų partijos elito likimo klausimas Sovietų Sąjungos žlugimo metu ir po jo. Svarstoma, ar nepriklausomybę paskelbusių valstybių aukščiausiuose valdžios sluoksniuose išties įvyko kokybinis ir kiekybinis pokytis, o gal jis buvo tik nominalus? Analizuojama, kokie veiksniai turėjo didesnę įtaką sovietinės nomenklatūros galios išlaikymui fundamentalaus santvarkų lūžio metu: lokalinių nomenklatūrų socialinių tinklų pobūdis bei galia, lankstumas ir adekvatumas reaguojant į staigius sociopolitinius pokyčius sovietinės imperijos metropolijoje bei pačiose sąjunginėse respublikose, vietos lyderių visuomenėje turimas autoritetas ir asmeninė charizma, susiklostę ryšiai tarp jų ir centro politinių administracinių viršūnių ar geopolitinės aplinkybės. Aptariamas ir į perestroikinės demokratizacijos procesus įsitraukusių visuomenės grupių vaidmuo keičiantis ir išliekant elitui.