Suchergebnisse

Представлен анализ «национальной политики» Временного правительства. События Февральской революции обострили комплекс проблем, связанных с национальным вопросом в государстве, и привели новое правительство к необходимости разработки и реализации политического курса, отвечающего требованиям времени. Национальная политика Временного правительства опиралась на партийную идеологию кадетов, октябристов, эсеров и представляла собой эклектический подход к решению «национального вопроса». Временное правительство в своих решениях отстаивало идею неделимости России, поэтому уже в первых программных документах отказалось от идеи дезинтеграции империи по национальному принципу, а решение «национального вопроса» видело в предоставлении культурной автономии, развитии языка и этнической самобытности народов национальных окраин. Временное правительство стремилось выработать вариативный подход к национальному вопросу в крупных этнорегионах: Польше, Финляндии, Украине, Средней Азии и Казахстане. Однако рост национализма на окраинах Российского государства, распространение идеи регионализма требовали более кардинальных преобразований. Поэтому курс, выбранный Временным правительством, не нашел поддержки в обществе, а демократических инициатив было недостаточно в сложный межреволюционный период. Уверенность в сохранении неделимой России, инертность системы управления, потеря контроля над национальной ситуацией в государстве обусловили неудачу политического курса Временного правительства в национальной сфере.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-01 ; The article presents an analysis of the "national policy" of the Provisional Government. The events of the February Revolution exacerbated a number of problems associated with the national question in the state, and these events led the new government to necessity to develop and implement policies to meet the requirements of the time. The national policy of the Provisional Government was based on the party ideology of the Cadets, the Octobrists, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and was an eclectic approach to solve the "national question." The Provisional Government defended the idea of the indivisibility of Russia, so in the very first policy documents abandoned the idea of the empire's disintegration on the national basis, and the solution of the "national question" was seen in the provision of cultural autonomy, the development of language and ethnic identity of the peoples from the national borderlands. The Provisional Government sought to develop the variability approach to the national question in large ethnic regions: Poland, Finland, Ukraine, Central Asia and Kazakhstan. However, the rise of nationalism in the borderlands of the Russian State, the spread of the ideas of regionalism required more fundamental changes. Therefore, the course chosen by the Provisional Government, did not find support in the society, and democratic initiatives were not enough in the time of difficult inter-revolutionary period. The confidence in the preservation of Russia undivided, the inertia of the control system, the loss of control over the national situation in the state led to the failure of the Provisional Government's policy in the national sphere.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-01

В статье рассмотрены существенные изменения, наблюдаемые в начальные десятилетия XVIII в. при сооружении и использовании оборонительных систем на южных и юго-восточных рубежах Европейской России. Изучен вопрос, насколько новые фортификационные теории и технологии, воспринятые из Западной Европы, оказались пригодными для природно-географических условий нашей страны и успешного противостояния нападениям кочевников. Анализ сложившейся к настоящему времени историографии российского оборонительного зодчества позволил получить достаточно полные ответы по рассматриваемой проблематике. В случае необходимости для специального изучения отдельных аспектов темы использовались опубликованные и архивные документы из центральных архивохранилищ. Выявленные материалы о проектировании и практике сооружении Новой Закамской линии позволяют сделать вывод, что руководство Военной коллегии и Канцелярии главной артиллерии и фортификации жестко контролировало проекты, подготовленные в пограничье; предлагаемые маршруты оборонительных линий. Особое внимание оно уделяло проверке обеспеченности их фортификационными сооружениями, а также использованию подготовленных в Канцелярии типовых образцов таких укреплений. Вместе с тем командиры и инженеры экспедиций, занимавшихся строительством линий и размещением на них полков ландмилиции, проявляли определенную самостоятельность во всех этих вопросах. Изучение деятельности руководства Закамской экспедиции показывает, что оно нередко вступало в споры с вышестоящим начальством и выходило из них победителем. В рассматриваемый период основополагающими являлись западноевропейские концепции фортификации. Именно ими руководствовались в Военной коллегии и Канцелярии главной артиллерии и фортификации. Однако работавшие в порубежье офицеры и инженеры были хорошо знакомы с особенностями военных угроз со стороны кочевников, стратегией и тактикой их нападений. В ходе проектирования и проведения строительных работ они показывали здравый смысл и знание основ военной инженерии. Наиболее очевидно это проявилось в ходе сооружения в первой половине 1730-х гг. Новой Закамской, а позднее сменившей ее Самарской линии. Переходный период в оборонительном зодчестве лесостепного пограничья завершается в 1730-х гг. В это время происходило постепенное приспособление западных фортификационных подходов к российским реалиям. Очевидным становится переход от непрерывных систем укреплений к живым линиям. Их строители все чаще используют различные применяемые к особенностям местности и природным условиям способы возведения оборонительных сооружений. Однако и в середине второй половине столетия при создании оборонительных линий преобладает рационально-геометрическое начало, соответствовавшее западноевропейским принципам фортификации. ; The article examines the significant changes observed in the early decades of the 18th century. during the construction and use of defensive systems on the southern and southeastern borders of European Russia. The question of how the new fortification theories and technologies, adopted from Western Europe, turned out to be suitable for the natural and geographical conditions of our country and for successfully resisting the attacks of nomads, was studied. An analysis of historiography of Russian defensive architecture that has developed to date, has made it possible to obtain fairly complete answers on the issues under consideration. For a special study of individual aspects of the topic, published and archival documents from the central archives were used. The revealed materials on the design and construction of the New Zakamskaya line allow us to conclude that the leadership of the Military Collegium and the Office of the main artillery and fortification tightly controlled the projects prepared in the borderlands, the proposed routes of the defensive lines. It paid particular attention to checking the provision of fortifications to them, as well as to the use of standard samples of such fortifications prepared in the Office. At the same time, the commanders and engineers of the expeditions involved in the construction of lines and the deployment of the Landmilitia regiments on them showed a certain independence in all these matters. A study of the activities of the leadership of the Zakamsk expedition shows that they often entered into disputes with their higher authorities and often emerged victorious from them. During the period under review, Western European concepts of fortification were fundamental. It was they who were guided in the Military Collegium and the Chancellery of the main artillery and fortification. However, officers and engineers working in the borderlands were well acquainted with the peculiarities of military threats from the nomads, the strategy and tactics of their attacks. During the design and construction work, they showed common sense and knowledge of the basics of military engineering. This was most evident during construction in the first half of the 1730-ies of New Zakamskaya Line, which was later replaced by Samaraskaya line. The transitional period in the defensive architecture of the forest-steppe borderland ends in the 1730-ies. At this time, there was a gradual adaptation of Western fortification approaches to Russian realities. The transition from continuous systems of fortifications to live lines becomes obvious. Their builders are increasingly using various, applied to the peculiarities of the terrain and natural conditions, methods of erecting defensive structures. However, even in the middle second half of the century, when creating defensive lines, the "rational-geometric principle" prevailed, which corresponded to the Western European principles of fortification.

This article investigates the significance of personifications depicted on national currencies of Eastern Europe in the 19th – 21st cent. Eastern Europe is considered as a region of high research potential due to its status of borderland space with active symbolic struggle on political, socioeconomic and cultural levels. Currency design is an ideological tool that defines collective cultural tradition and historical memory, while national narratives vary in their response to the conditions of their formation. Basing on the visual analysis of money that circulated on the territories of Belarus, Lithuania, Poland, Russia and the Ukraine, the author outlines main categories of human depictions used in the currency design of the states that emerged in the region during the mentioned period. In the 19th cent., most widespread were money of the Russian Empire featuring the emperors and state representation Mother Russia. After the October Revolution in 1917, new states emerged in the region, but no personifications were used in their currency design. Human depictions of that time featured either ordinary people correlating with socialist movements or notable persons denoting political and cultural authenticity of certain state. Another category of human depictions was allegorical feminine figures representing patriarchal values and reproductive resources. Most remarkable examples of this type are Polish coins depicting state representation Polonia (or queen Jadwiga) as well as Polish banknotes with Mother Poland and national heroine Emilia Plater, both issued during the dictatorship of Jósef Piłsudski. Contemporary issues of money use no state representations, preferring instead either notable people, mostly men among them, or introducing other means of cultural representations not related to human depictions. Thus state representations used in the designs of national currencies become less popular in the 21st cent. due to globalisation and de-materialisation of money.

This article investigates the significance of personifications depicted on national currencies of Eastern Europe in the 19th – 21st cent. Eastern Europe is considered as a region of high research potential due to its status of borderland space with active symbolic struggle on political, socioeconomic and cultural levels. Currency design is an ideological tool that defines collective cultural tradition and historical memory, while national narratives vary in their response to the conditions of their formation. Basing on the visual analysis of money that circulated on the territories of Belarus, Lithuania, Poland, Russia and the Ukraine, the author outlines main categories of human depictions used in the currency design of the states that emerged in the region during the mentioned period. In the 19th cent., most widespread were money of the Russian Empire featuring the emperors and state representation Mother Russia. After the October Revolution in 1917, new states emerged in the region, but no personifications were used in their currency design. Human depictions of that time featured either ordinary people correlating with socialist movements or notable persons denoting political and cultural authenticity of certain state. Another category of human depictions was allegorical feminine figures representing patriarchal values and reproductive resources. Most remarkable examples of this type are Polish coins depicting state representation Polonia (or queen Jadwiga) as well as Polish banknotes with Mother Poland and national heroine Emilia Plater, both issued during the dictatorship of Jósef Piłsudski. Contemporary issues of money use no state representations, preferring instead either notable people, mostly men among them, or introducing other means of cultural representations not related to human depictions. Thus state representations used in the designs of national currencies become less popular in the 21st cent. due to globalisation and de-materialisation of money.

International audience ; The article discusses chronologically important things from the finds belonging to the steppenomads of the Post-Hunnic periods in Eastern Europe, from the Urals to the Lower Danube (mid 5th – mid 6th centuries):weapons, horse equipment, elements of costume, jewelry. It should be noted that very similar types of these thingsprevail across the entire steppe area during the Post-Hunnic time, indicating the steppe nomad cultural homogeneity,regardless of their origin and ethnicity. Some things from the steppe graves of the time have a wider date and existuntil the 7th century. Some things are typical for the early stage of the Post-Hunnic horizon, i.e. time around themiddle – the second half of the 5th century. On the other hand, some things mark the end of the Post-Hunnic era anddate back to the middle or second half of the 6th century. The date for most of the things examined here is establishedby external analogies, known in vast territories, which include the Western European and Balkan-Danubian regions.There the reasoned chronology of antiquities of the 5th – 6th centuries was developed, which is based on numerouscoin finds and also on dendrochronology. Equally important for the chronology of steppe antiquities are analogsderived from the monuments of the sedentary population of the steppe borderlands, where there are numerousclosed complexes. First of all, these are monuments of the North Caucasus, and the Crimea, on the chronology ofwhich there are numerous studies. Some of the things we have considered belong to the prestigious "princely"culture and are of Mediterranean or Asian origin and thus reflect the cultural, military and political, economic tiesof the steppe population and political orientation of the steppe "princely" elites in the Early Middle Ages.Key words: Eastern Europe, Post-Hunnic periods, steppe, nomads, chronology.

International audience The article discusses chronologically important things from the finds belonging to the steppenomads of the Post-Hunnic periods in Eastern Europe, from the Urals to the Lower Danube (mid 5th – mid 6th centuries):weapons, horse equipment, elements of costume, jewelry. It should be noted that very similar types of these thingsprevail across the entire steppe area during the Post-Hunnic time, indicating the steppe nomad cultural homogeneity,regardless of their origin and ethnicity. Some things from the steppe graves of the time have a wider date and existuntil the 7th century. Some things are typical for the early stage of the Post-Hunnic horizon, i.e. time around themiddle – the second half of the 5th century. On the other hand, some things mark the end of the Post-Hunnic era anddate back to the middle or second half of the 6th century. The date for most of the things examined here is establishedby external analogies, known in vast territories, which include the Western European and Balkan-Danubian regions.There the reasoned chronology of antiquities of the 5th – 6th centuries was developed, which is based on numerouscoin finds and also on dendrochronology. Equally important for the chronology of steppe antiquities are analogsderived from the monuments of the sedentary population of the steppe borderlands, where there are numerousclosed complexes. First of all, these are monuments of the North Caucasus, and the Crimea, on the chronology ofwhich there are numerous studies. Some of the things we have considered belong to the prestigious "princely"culture and are of Mediterranean or Asian origin and thus reflect the cultural, military and political, economic tiesof the steppe population and political orientation of the steppe "princely" elites in the Early Middle Ages.Key words: Eastern Europe, Post-Hunnic periods, steppe, nomads, chronology.

Принципы национальной политики большевиков являлись предметом постоянной внутрипартийной дискуссии на этапе становления советской власти, корректировались и оттачивались с учетом специфики отдельных регионов. Руководство РКП(б) понимало, что основной вызов классовому, интернациональному принципу организации советской власти в национальных окраинах может исходить от идеологии национализма в ее региональных вариациях. Декларирование права наций на самоопределение и создание автономных республик в составе РСФСР диктовалось тактикой привлечения трудящихся масс коренного населения окраин на сторону советской власти и раскола «надклассового альянса», формируемого национализмом. В начале 1920‑х гг. РКП(б) столкнулась с попытками представителей коммунистических партий тюркоязычных регионов РСФСР, в частности председателя ЦИК ТуркАССР Т. Рыскулова, синтезировать идеалы коммунизма с идеологией пантюркизма как способом решения национального вопроса в автономных республиках. В статье анализируется деятельность Туркестанской комиссии ВЦИК в ТуркАССР, ставшей примером реакции центральных органов партии на идеи «коммунистического пантюркизма». Турккомиссия положила начало формированию этнотерриториального подхода РКП(б) к вопросам национального самоопределения народов региона.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-06 ; The principles of the Bolsheviks' national policy were the subject of constant inner-party discussion at the time of establishment of the Soviet regime; according to national specifics of different regions these principles were corrected and modified. The leaders of RCP(b) understood that the main challenge for class and international principle of the Soviet regime organization in national borderlands may come from ideology of nationalism in its regional variations. Declaring of the right of the nation to self-determination and the creation of the Autonomous Republics in RSFSR were caused by the strategies to draw the working class of the borderline regions on the side of the Soviet government and to break "interclass alliance" formed by nationalism. At the beginning of the 1920s RCP(b) faced with the attempts of the Communist Parties representatives in the Sоviet Turkic regions, particularly the chairperson of the Central Executive Committee of the Turkestan ASSR T. Ryskulov, to synthesize the ideals of communism with the ideology of pan-Turkism in order to solve the national question in the Autonomous Republics. The article considers the activity of the Turkestan Commission of All- Russian Central Executive Committee which became an example how the central bodies of the Party reacted to the ideas of "communist pan-Turkism". The Turkestan Commission initiated the forming of ethno-territorial approach of the Bolsheviks to the question of national self-determination of people in the region.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-06

From the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Peloponnese became a zone of civilization borderland, where Greek and Western European ethnocultural communities coexisted and interacted with each other. For a long time, they had been in a state of permanent war, but over time, their relationship began to change. By the mid-fourteenth century, the changes became especially evident as the balance of power in the Peloponnese shifted in favour of the Byzantines. This article analyses the evolution of military and political cooperation between the Greeks and the Franks in the Peloponnese between the 1340s and 1370s. Based on data from historical writings, the author examines the reasons for cooperation between the Franks and the Greeks, identifies the motives of each side for such interaction and new features which expressed the evolution of their military and political contacts.The study demonstrates that on the part of the barony of Achaea, the rapprochement with the Greeks was promoted by disillusionment with the Angevin administration of the principality. For the Byzantines, peace and cooperation were beneficial for security reasons and for strengthening the internal organisation of the Despotate of the Morea. The main motivation for this military and political alliance between the Greeks and the Franks was the need to protect the Peloponnese from external attacks. The author concludes that the alliance between a part of the Achaean barons and the despot Manuel Kantakouzenos indicated the emergence of a new, more complex model of Graeco-Latin relations in the Peloponnese. The evolution of the military and political cooperation between the parties was expressed in its unprecedented stability and duration in comparison with previous situational agreements. Unlike before, the political course of the despot was consistent. For a long time, he avoided any military actions against the neighbours who were also complying with agreements. Their military and political cooperation between the 1350s and 1360s gave a visible result and showed the fruitfulness of such a relationship model. ; С начала XIII в. Пелопоннес превратился в зону цивилизационного приграничья, на которой сосуществовали и взаимодействовали греческая и западноевропейская этнокультурные общности. Долгое время стороны находились в состоянии перманентной войны, однако с течением времени их отношения начали изменяться. К середине XIV в., когда баланс сил на Пелопоннесе сместился в пользу византийцев, эти перемены проявились особенно отчетливо. В данной статье анализируется эволюция военно-политического сотрудничества между греками и франками на Пелопоннесе в 1340–1370-е гг. Основываясь на данных исторических сочинений, автор рассматривает причины сотрудничества франков и греков, выделяет мотивы каждой стороны для такого взаимодействия и новые черты, в которых выразилась эволюция их военно-политических контактов.Исследование показало, что со стороны ахейского баронства сближению с греками способствовало разочарование в анжуйском управлении княжеством. Для византийцев мир и сотрудничество были выгодны из соображений безопасности и укрепления внутренней организации Морейского деспотата. Главным побудительным мотивом заключения военно-политического союза между греками и франками стала необходимость защитить Пелопоннес от нападений извне. Автор приходит к выводу, что заключение союза между частью баронов Ахейского княжества и деспотом Мануилом Кантакузином свидетельствовало о зарождении новой, более сложной модели греко-латинских отношений на Пелопоннесе. Эволюция военно-политического сотрудничества сторон выразилась в его беспрецедентной устойчивости и временнóй продолжительности в сравнении с прежними ситуативными договоренностями. Изменения заключались в последовательности политического курса деспота, долгое время избегавшего военных действий против соседей, которые также соблюдали договоренности. Их военно-политическое сотрудничество в 1350–1360-е гг. дало видимый результат и показало плодотворность подобной модели взаимоотношений.

The subject. The law of emphyteusis was studied in the Russian Empire in the middle of 19th – beginning of 20th century due to practical significance. The interest in this subject began to revive at the beginning of the 21st century, the first few publications appeared, but they were mostly replicas of Imperial period studies. The law of emphyteusis in Russia before the middle of the 19th century is not researched sufficiently. The purpose of the study is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that the law of emphyteusis was initially implemented in the system of Russian law as a legislative institution, but since the middle of the 19th century it has acquired the status of a local legal custom. The Russian state, having preserved the former system of civil law (the Lithuanian Statute) in the Western lands annexed from Lithuania and Poland, created the basis for the formation of a different system of legal awareness among a part of the population, thereby consolidating the dichotomy of the Empire and the Western provinces. Since the issue of land ownership is a key issue for feudal society, the law of emphyteusis is the most striking example of the split in the unity of the legal system of the Russian state. The methodology. The study is based on a combination of formal-legal and historical-legal methods: the methods of historicism, synchronous and diachronic comparison allow us to get an idea of the socio-political conditions in which the law of emphyteusis was formed and functioned. The main results, scope of application. The institute of emphyteusis (Latin – сensus, German – zins, Polish – czynsz) was formed on the basis of the reception of Roman and Byzantine law in the feudal law of a number of European States. Emphyteusis comes to the PolishLithuanian lands as an element of German law. The article describes the socio-political processes in the territories annexed by Russia from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where the right of emphyteusis was preserved in the middle of 17th - first half of the 19th century as a local civil law under the Lithuanian Statute system. After the abolition of the Statute of Lithuania (1840) an emphyteusis preserved as a regional legal custom. The analysis of legislation and law enforcement practice on the issue of emphyteusis on the borderlands of the Russian state is carried out. The ineffectiveness of the state policy on the elimination of emphyteusis is noted. Conclusions. The revealed specifics of the development of emphyteusis in the Russian Empire are extremely poorly studied, although they indicate far-reaching consequences in the system of forming the legal consciousness of Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, Jewish (Ashkenazi) and other peoples. ; Цель статьи состоит в установлении обстоятельств появления традиции чиншевого землепользования в отдельных регионах российского государства, описании процессов имплементации чинша в систему права и анализе влияния института на государствообразующие процессы в России. Установлено, что институт чинша (лат. сensus, нем. zins, пол. czynsz) сформировался на основе рецепции римского и византийского права в феодальном праве ряда европейских государств. В польско-литовские земли чинш приходит как элемент немецкого права. Дано описание социально-политических процессов на территориях, присоединенных Россией от Речи Посполитой, где чиншевое право было сохранено в середине XVII – первой половине XIХ в. в качестве местного гражданского права в рамках системы Литовского Статута, после отмены которого чинш сохранился в качестве регионального правового обычая. Проведен анализ законодательной и правоприменительной практики по вопросу чиншевого земельного держания на окраинах российского государства. Отмечена неэффективность государственной политики по искоренению чинша. Сделан вывод о том, что Российское государство, сохранив на западных землях, присоединенных от Литвы и Польши, прежнюю систему гражданского права (Литовского Статута), создало основу для формирования у части населения иной системы правосознания, тем самым закрепив дихотомию Империи и Западных губерний.

Поступила в редакцию: 27.01.2021. Принята к печати: 15.04.2021. ; Submitted: 27.01.2021. Accepted: 15.04.2021. ; С начала XIII в. Пелопоннес превратился в зону цивилизационного приграничья, на которой сосуществовали и взаимодействовали греческая и западноевропейская этнокультурные общности. Долгое время стороны находились в состоянии перманентной войны, однако с течением времени их отношения начали изменяться. К середине XIV в., когда баланс сил на Пелопоннесе сместился в пользу византийцев, эти перемены проявились особенно отчетливо. В данной статье анализируется эволюция военно-политического сотрудничества между греками и франками на Пелопоннесе в 1340–1370-е гг. Основываясь на данных исторических сочинений, автор рассматривает причины сотрудничества франков и греков, выделяет мотивы каждой стороны для такого взаимодействия и новые черты, в которых выразилась эволюция их военно-политических контактов. Исследование показало, что со стороны ахейского баронства сближению с греками способствовало разочарование в анжуйском управлении княжеством. Для византийцев мир и сотрудничество были выгодны из соображений безопасности и укрепления внутренней организации Морейского деспотата. Главным побудительным мотивом заключения военно-политического союза между греками и франками стала необходимость защитить Пелопоннес от нападений извне. Автор приходит к выводу, что заключение союза между частью баронов Ахейского княжества и деспотом Мануилом Кантакузином свидетельствовало о зарождении новой, более сложной модели греко-латинских отношений на Пелопоннесе. Эволюция военно-политического сотрудничества сторон выразилась в его беспрецедентной устойчивости и временнóй продолжительности в сравнении с прежними ситуативными договоренностями. Изменения заключались в последовательности политического курса деспота, долгое время избегавшего военных действий против соседей, которые также соблюдали договоренности. Их военно-политическое сотрудничество в 1350–1360-е гг. дало видимый результат и показало плодотворность подобной модели взаимоотношений. ; From the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Peloponnese became a zone of civilization borderland, where Greek and Western European ethnocultural communities coexisted and interacted with each other. For a long time, they had been in a state of permanent war, but over time, their relationship began to change. By the mid-fourteenth century, the changes became especially evident as the balance of power in the Peloponnese shifted in favour of the Byzantines. This article analyses the evolution of military and political cooperation between the Greeks and the Franks in the Peloponnese between the 1340s and 1370s. Based on data from historical writings, the author examines the reasons for cooperation between the Franks and the Greeks, identifies the motives of each side for such interaction and new features which expressed the evolution of their military and political contacts. The study demonstrates that on the part of the barony of Achaea, the rapprochement with the Greeks was promoted by disillusionment with the Angevin administration of the principality. For the Byzantines, peace and cooperation were beneficial for security reasons and for strengthening the internal organisation of the Despotate of the Morea. The main motivation for this military and political alliance between the Greeks and the Franks was the need to protect the Peloponnese from external attacks. The author concludes that the alliance between a part of the Achaean barons and the despot Manuel Kantakouzenos indicated the emergence of a new, more complex model of Graeco-Latin relations in the Peloponnese. The evolution of the military and political cooperation between the parties was expressed in its unprecedented stability and duration in comparison with previous situational agreements. Unlike before, the political course of the despot was consistent. For a long time, he avoided any military actions against the neighbours who were also complying with agreements. Their military and political cooperation between the 1350s and 1360s gave a visible result and showed the fruitfulness of such a relationship model. ; Статья подготовлена при финансовой поддержке Российского фонда фундаментальных исследований в рамках научного проекта № 20-39-90019 «Греко-латинский фронтир на Пелопоннесе (середина XIII — XIV в.): политическое и социокультурное взаимодействие». ; The research is sponsored by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (project 20-39-90019 "The Greek-Latin Frontier on the Peloponnese in the Second Half of the Thirteenth — Fourteenth Centuries: Political and Sociocultural Interactions").