This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas.[i] For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of "end users", be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) "unsecured borderlands" where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) "contested Leviathans", that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) "securitised policy spaces" in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders.
This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas.[i] For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of "end users", be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) "unsecured borderlands" where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) "contested Leviathans", that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) "securitised policy spaces" in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders.
This thesis is an ethnographic study of travelling across Estonian-Finnish borders, most widely positioned in the field of migration, mobility and border-crossing practises. The subjects of travelling are the Estonians who live permanently in Finland for the purpose of work, studies or other reasons and travel regularly to Estonia in order to facilitate lasting transnational connections. Thus, I treat travelling in this study as a necessity, which is a different approach compared to travel as leisure or self-exploration which are part of many other contemporary discourses on travel. Recent critical literature talks against the mystified perception of travel, a product of colonialism, and argues that travel should instead be viewed through its practical manifestations in people's daily lives. People's daily practises again, including travelling and border-crossing are culturally, politically, ideologically and economically bounded. For grasping better the travel in a deeply contextualised way I have firstly drawn out geographical, cultural, linguistic, political and economic connections between Estonia and Finland in historical perspective. Subsequently, I concentrate on the period of the communist régime in Estonian history and discuss the practical issues related to travelling abroad in Soviet Estonia. The latter approach is especially useful in my attempt to demystify the travel and border-crossing behind the "Iron Curtain". The methodological approach to the study is the combination of ethnography and auto-ethnography. The ethnography is based on thematic interviews with travellers, experts on travelling, and observations in the travel settings. Autoethnographic narrations are present, because I have been an active traveller in the Estonian-Finnish borderlands and my own experiences shape considerably the interpretations of the whole phenomenon as presented herein. The Estonian-Finnish border-crossing practises are specifically defined, because the travelling takes place overseas, and usually the means of transportation used is a passenger ferry, which is a central element in the studied ethnographies. The special characteristics of the overseas connections lead the following in-depth argumentations about the meanings and practises of journey today and in the past focussing on the time-distance relations, space-place-nonplace connections, travel functionality, and handling transitions in transnational spaces. Finally I show one possible way how to understand the individual's agency in the everyday-life applications of a travel, which are overwhelmingly moulded by state policies and economic forces. I argue that if the world is organised in global projects then as a parallel there are existent the personal life projects that people try to realise in the best way within the given macro conditions. The manifestations of a travel thus are the negotiations between the global and personal projects. Keywords: travelling, border-crossing, ferry-trip, ethnography, Estonians, Finland
Maximilian C. Forte; Ruins of Absence, Presence of Caribs: (Post)Colonial Representations of Aboriginality in Trinidad and Tobago (Neil L. Whitehead)Nick Nesbitt; Voicing Memory: History and Subjectivity in French Caribbean Literature (H. Adlai Murdoch)Camilla Stevens; Family and Identity in Contemporary Cuban and Puerto Rican Drama (Lydia Platón)Jonathan Goldberg; Tempest in the Caribbean (Jerry Brotton)Michael Chanan; Cuban Cinema (Tamara L. Falicov)Gemma Tang Nain, Barbara Bailey (eds.); Gender Equality in the Caribbean: Reality or Illusion (A. Lynn Bolles)Ernesto Sagás, Sintia E. Molina (eds.); Dominican Migration: Transnational Perspectives (Rosemary Polanco)Christine M. Du Bois; Images of West Indian Immigrants in Mass Media: The Struggle for a Positive Ethnic Reputation (Dwaine Plaza)Luis Raúl Cámara Fuertes; The Phenomenon of Puerto Rican Voting (Annabelle Conroy)Philip Gould; Barbaric Traffic: Commerce and Antislavery in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (William A. Pettigrew)Laurent Dubois; Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Yvonne Fabella)Sibylle Fischer; Modernity Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Ashli White)Philip D. Morgan, Sean Hawkins (eds.); Black Experience and the British Empire (James Walvin)Richard Smith; Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness (Linden Lewis)Muriel McAvoy; Sugar Baron: Manuel Rionda and the Fortunes of Pre-Castro Cuba (Richard Sicotte)Ned Sublette; Cuba and Its Music: From the First Drums to the Mambo (Pedro Pérez Sarduy)Frances Negrón-Muntaner; Boricua Pop: Puerto Ricans and the Latinization of American Culture (Halbert Barton)Gordon Rohlehr; A Scuffling of Islands: Essays on Calypso (Stephen Stuempfle)Shannon Dudley; Carnival Music in Trinidad: Experiencing Music, Expressing Culture (Donald R. Hill)Jean-Marc Terrine; La ronde des derniers maîtres de bèlè (Julian Gerstin)Alexander Alland, Jr.; Race in Mind: Race, IQ, and Other Racisms (Autumn Barrett)Livio Sansone; Blackness Without Ethnicity: Constructing Race in Brazil (Autumn Barrett)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen, W. van Wetering; In the Shadow of the Oracle: Religion as Politics in a Suriname Maroon Society (George L. Huttar, Mary L. Huttar)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 1 & 2
Marcus Wood; Slavery, Empathy, and Pornography (Lynn M. Festa)Michèle Praeger; The Imaginary Caribbean and Caribbean Imaginary (Celia Britton)Charles V. Carnegie; Postnationalism Prefigured: Caribbean Borderlands (John Collins)Mervyn C. Alleyne; The Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World (Charles V. Carnegy)Jerry Gershenhorn; Melville J. Herskovits and the Racial Politics of Knowledge (Richard Price)Sally Cooper Coole; Ruth Landes: A Life in Anthropology (Olivia Maria Gomes Da Cunha)Maureen Warner Lewis; Central Africa in the Caribbean: Transcending Time, Transforming Cultures (Robert W. Slenes)Gert Oostindie (ed.); Facing up to the Past: Perspectives on the Commemoration of Slavery from Africa, the Americas and Europe (Gad Heuman)Gert Oostindie, Inge Klinkers; Decolonising the Caribbean: Dutch Policies in a Comparative Perspective (Paul Sutton)Kirk Peter Meigho; Politics in a 'Half-Made Society': Trinidad and Tobago, 1925-2001 (Douglas Midgett)Linden Lewis (ed.); The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean (David A.B. Murray)Gertrude Aub-Buscher, Beverly Ormerod Noakes (eds.); The Francophone Caribbean Today: Literature, Language, Culture (Elizabeth Walcott-Hackshaw)Sally Lloyd-Evans, Robert B. Potter; Gender, Ethnicity and the Iinformal Sector in Trinidad (Katherine E. Browne)STeve Striffler, Mark Moberg (eds.); Banana Wars: Power, Production and History in the Americas (Peter Clegg)Johannes Postma, Victor Enthoven (eds.); Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585-1817 (Gert J. Oostindie)Phil Davison; Volcano in Paradise: Death and Survival on the Caribbean Island of Montserrat (Bonham C. Richardson)Ernest Zebrowski jr; The Last Days of St. Pierre: The Volcanic Disaster that Claimed Thirty Thousand Lives (Bernard Moitt)Beverley A. Steele; Grenada: A History of Its People (Jay R. Mandle)Walter C. Soderlund (ed.); Mass Media and Foreign Policy: Post-Cold War Crises in the Caribbean (Jason Parker)Charlie Whitham; Bitter Rehearsal: British and American Planning for a Post-War West Indies (Jason Parker)Douglas V. Amstrong; Creole Transformation from Slavery to Freedom: Historical Archaeology of the East End Community, St. John, Virgin Islands (Karin Fog Olwig)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen; Een koloniaal drama: De grote staking van de Marron vrachtvaarders, 1921 (Chris de Beet)Joseph F. Callo; Nelson in the Caribbean: The Hero Emerges, 1784-1787 (Carl E. Swanson)Jorge Duany; The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States (Juan Flores)Raquel Z. Rivera; New York Ricans from the Hip Hop Zone (Halbert Barton)Alfonso J. García Osuna; The Cuban Filmography, 1897 through 2001 (Ann Marie Stock)Michael Aceto, Jeffrey P. Williams (eds.); Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean (Geneviève Escure)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG) 79 (2005), no. 1 & 2
SUMMARY: From the very beginning of the Trans-Siberian railway's construction, the Finance Minister S. Iu. Witte, had highlighted the decisive importance of colonization to the venture's eventual success or failure. In analogous fashion, the question of settlement was intimately related to the building of the Trans-Manchurian Chinese Eastern Railway (CER). The eventual result of a convoluted intra-bureaucratic process was a community of Jewish migrants living in China's Northeast, where the railroad bridged the Sungari. Granted religious freedoms in the hope that they would generate freight for the CER, the Jews shared the city with the railway technocrats, who lived on the hillside overlooking the city blocks that covered the riverside flats where opium poppies had grown until the 1890s.
The 1913 municipal census data reveals the actual dimensions of Harbin's sizeable Jewish community. In Siberia, only Irkutsk had more (6,100 in 1909). However, taken as a percentage of Russian passport holders, Harbin's 5,032 Jews added up to 11.5%. In Irkutsk, they were only 5.6%. In addition to schools that simply ignored the numerus clausus of Imperial Russia, Harbin had several synagogues, a burial brotherhood, cheder , cemetery, mikva , old age home, Talmud Torah, Jewish Women's Charity Committee, and library. Population data shows a stable community in terms of age structure and sex ratio. Totals from the metric books of the Jewish community provided by the Heilongjiang Provincial Archive also corroborate this conclusion.
The Finance Ministry's continued defense of this anomaly in the bleak and anti-Semitic atmosphere of pogrom Russia posited a relationship between state and society fundamentally different from the status quo in European Russia. In the Far East social organization and initiative were, by and large, regarded as allies of the state. Furthermore, life in the borderland allowed interethnic strife to be absorbed by international competition. In essence, the Jews of Harbin were hailed as the Cossacks of the twentieth century, where cavalry raid had been replaced by trade war and stockade had given way to stock exchange.
So how "imperial" was Harbin, after all? At first glance, it is doubly imperial, both as a contiguous piece of the Russian Empire in its final days and as the cutting edge of Russian imperialism in its attempt to subjugate and even annex a(nother) large chunk of northeast China. On careful archival examination, however, we find that Witte's devious methods and Kokovtsov/Khorvat's able defense actually led to the creation of an urban environment, both politically and socially far from the norms of the Russian Empire, just a bordercrossing away. Harbin's Jewish community was one of the chief beneficiaries of this liberal alternative, owing its existence and prosperity to rules of play that Siberia and European Russia would never see. Until 1950, minyans would meet at Harbin.
La organización del Estado nacional argentino implicó una significativa transformación de la forma en que los Estados provinciales habían configurado su territorio durante la primera mitad de siglo XIX a partir de la existencia de fronteras abiertas. Este artículo tiene como objetivo reconstruir las distintas posturas y argumentos que se pusieron en juego y que delinearon la definición de la configuración territorial de la provincia de Corrientes durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Si bien las dirigencias correntinas no alcanzaron sus anhelos de incorporar la región de las Misiones bajo la jurisdicción provincial, el análisis de diversas fuentes permite evidenciar los puntos de tensión con respecto a cuál era la mejor forma de desarrollo para los territorios fronterizos y, a su vez, cómo el Congreso nacional se constituyó en un ámbito privilegiado para arbitrar las heterogéneas posturas políticas y determinar pautas de acción para los espacios disputados. ; The construction of the Argentine state unfolded within a political environment where provincial boundaries were formulated out of largely open frontiers. This paper seeks to explore this situation for the case of Corrientes and it rebuilt different positions and arguments about how boundaries must be defined during the second half past of 19th century, a period in which the province struggled (and failed) to incorporate the Missions territory under its jurisdiction. The analysis of various approaches to this questions permits a broader understanding of how Argentine politicians hoped to develop borderland spaces in more general terms and how the national Congress sometimes acted as referee or mediator among contending factions. ; A organização do Estado nacional argentino implicou uma significativa transformação na forma em que os Estados provinciais haviam configurado seu território durante a primeira metade do século XIX, a partir da existência de fronteiras abertas. Este artigo pretende reconstruir as distintas posturas e argumentos que se colocaram e que delinearam a definição da configuração territorial da província de Corrientes durante a segunda metade do século XIX. Ainda que as diligências de Corrientes não alcançaram seus anseios de incorporar a região das Misiones sob a jurisdição provincial, a análise de diversas fontes permite evidenciar os pontos de tensão com respeito a qual era a melhor forma de desenvolvimento para os territórios fronteiriços e como o Congresso Nacional se constituiu em um âmbito privilegiado para arbitrar as posturas políticas heterogêneas e determinar pautas de ação para os espaços disputados. ; Fil: Bressan, Raquel Valeria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento. Instituto de Ciencias; Argentina
La crisis y salida de la convertibilidad se caracterizó por la disputa entre diversas elites en torno al rumbo de la política económica, en la que también intervino la Conferencia Episcopal Argentina (CEA). En ese sentido, la Asociación Cristiana de Dirigentes de Empresa (ACDE) se encontró en una posición dilemática. El presente artículo analizará los posicionamientos políticos de ACDE durante el periodo 1999-2003, poniendo énfasis en su correlación con los de la CEA. A partir de las nociones de elite y subuniverso de sentido se indagarán las representaciones y estrategias desplegadas por esta corporación empresaria mediante el análisis de fuentes documentales, tomando como ejes el rol del Estado en la economía y el endeudamiento externo. Sede mostrará que el debate más álgido lo constituyó la propuesta papal de condonación de la deuda externa y que las posiciones empresarias más radicales fueron sostenidas por su Grupo de Economistas. Este último impulsó la dolarización, lar educción salarial, la supresión de impuestos y la creación de la Reserva Federal Argentina, algo inédito en la historia política argentina. El trabajo aportará nuevas claves interpretativas para la comprensión de la compleja zona de frontera entre el mundo económico y las creencias religiosas. ; The crisis and exit of the convertibility regime was marked by a dispute between various elites based on the direction of economic policy, in which also participated the Argentine Episcopal Conference (CEA). In that sense, the Christian Association of Business Leaders (ACDE) was into a dilemmatic position. This article will examine the political positions of ACDE during the period 1999-2003, emphasizing its correlation with those of the CEA. From the notions of elite and subuniverse of meaning we analyze the representations and strategies deployed by this business corporation through the analysis of documentary sources, taking as axes the State's role in the economy and the external debt. It will be shown that the most heated debate was the proposed papal cancellation of the external debt and that the most radical entrepreneurs positions were held by the Group of Economists. This latter one encouraged the dollarization, wages reduction, abolition of taxes and the creation of the Federal Reserve of Argentina, something unprecedented in the political history of the country. The work will provide new interpretive keys to understanding the complex borderland between the business world and religious beliefs. ; Fil: Castellani, Ana Gabriela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Instituto de Altos Estudios Sociales; Argentina ; Fil: Motta, Gustavo Javier. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
Anlässlich des sechzigsten Geburtstages der südafrikanischen Fotografin erschien der vorliegende Bildband, der - soviel darf vorab verraten sein - keine alltägliche Publikation ist: mehr als 400 Seiten, edle Aufmachung, schweres Papier, höchste Bildqualität. Schon allein die Ausführung des Buches deutet also darauf hin, dass man es hier mit einer besonderen Künstlerin zu tun hat. Doch ist das auch ein bisschen so etwas wie eine falsche Fährte, denn jener Ecke, in die man jemanden stellen möchte, dem ein derartiger Band gewidmet wird, haftet der Geruch der alten Meister an. Und dieser Geruch passt so überhaupt nicht zu einer Fotografin wie Jo Ractliffe. Versucht man sich ihr zuallererst allein über ihre Bilder zu nähern – denn genau das ist es, was ein derartiger Bildband ja nahelegt – steht man vor einer ebenso langen wie intensiven Herausforderung. Einer Herausforderung, der ganz notwendigerweise auch etwas Produktives anhaftet, denn Ractliffes Aufnahmen und Werkkomplexe erschließen sich in aller Regel nicht von selbst. Ihre Aufnahmen eignen sich nicht für seichte Kontemplation und oberflächliche Betrachtung. Es bedarf stets einer zusätzlichen Vertiefung, einer weitergehenden Auseinandersetzung mit dem behandelten Thema. Eine ungewöhnliche Haltung für eine Fotografin, die einer Richtung zugerechnet wird, in der es oft genug um reißerische Bilder, spektakuläre Motive und visuelle Zuspitzung geht. Nicht zuletzt deshalb galt Jo Ractliffe lange Zeit als Künstlerin abseits des Mainstreams, war eher Liebkind der Fotokritik als international bekannte Fotografin. Die vorliegende Publikation lädt nun dazu ein, sich eingehend – und in der gebotenen Ruhe – mit ihrem umfangreichen und vielfältigen Werk auseinanderzusetzen. Doch wo beginnt man nun am besten mit einer derartigen Auseinandersetzung? Das Buch legt eine chronologische Betrachtung nahe. Eine Einladung, der man nicht zwingend folgen muss. So lohnt es sich etwa, den umgekehrten Weg zu beschreiten und sich den dicken Band von hinten nach vorne zu erarbeiten. Solcherart stößt man nämlich auf unterschiedliche Materialien, die dabei helfen, die hier versammelten Arbeiten einzuordnen. Allen voran ist das ein ausführlicher Auszug aus einem langen Gespräch mit Artur Walther (Walther Collection). Daneben steht der fiktive, auf einigen Fotografien Ractliffes fußende Text 'Rendezvous: A Fiction' des nigerianischen Schriftstellers Emmanuel Iduma sowie ein Essay von Matthew S. Witkovsky über Arbeiten der Fotografin, die sich dem Motiv des motorisierten Fahrens verschrieben haben. Hier lässt sich eine erste Brücke zu einem wichtigen Werkkomplex schlagen. Für Vlakplass: 2 June 1999 (drive-by shooting) hat die Fotografin aus dem fahrenden Auto heraus einen Ort dokumentiert, der für die Geschichte Südafrikas von zentraler Bedeutung ist: Das Gelände, auf dem die C1 Geheimpolizei unter dem Kommando des als 'Prime Evil' bekannten Eugene de Kock ihre systematischen Menschenrechtsverbrechen beging. Bei Ractcliffe erscheint dieser Ort in durchgehender Belichtung eines schwarz-weißen Mittelformatstreifens, fotografiert mit einer billigen Plastikkamera der Marke Holga. Die oft unscharfen, ineinander übergehenden Bilder des visuell schwer fassbaren C1 Headquarters stehen hier als Metapher für unvorstellbare im Namen der Apartheid begangene Verbrechen, aufgenommen am Tag der zweiten demokratischen Wahlen Südafrikas. 'I was stunned by the banality of that facade, the failure of that place to live up to the image it evoked in my imagination.' Immer wieder wirken die Aufnahmen Ractliffes wie ein bewusstes Statement gegen jene Gefälligkeit, die den allzu deutlichen Bildern des Fotojournalismus so oft anhaften. 'I am at war with the obvious', hat der Fotograf William Eggelston sein künstlerisches Konzept einmal zusammengefasst. Es scheint so, als hätte sich Jo Ractliffe dieses Motto für ihre dokumentarische Fotografie zum Vorbild genommen. Thematisch mag der Unterschied zuallererst beachtlich wirken, doch wenn man Ractliffes Referenzen, die neben Fotograf*innen wie Joseph Koudelka, Manuel Álvarez Bravo und Robert Frank auch Namen von Künstler*innen wie John Heartfield, John Baldessari und Ed Ruscha umfassen, wird klar, dass dem hier vorliegenden Werk mit althergebrachten Kategorisierungen nur schwerlich beizukommen ist. Man müsse die konkrete Gewalt nicht zeigen, habe Ractliffe etwa in Auseinandersetzung mit den Collagen Heatfields gelernt und auch Eisensteins Montagetheorie könne beim fotografischen Arbeiten helfen (vgl. S. 400). Etwa wenn es darum gehe, das Zusammenwirken von Bildern zu begreifen. Eine Komponente, die für Ractliffes Fotografien von großer Bedeutung ist. So sind ihre Fotos schwer zu isolieren, stehen sie doch fast immer in einem größeren Zusammenhang. Ractliffe geht es bei ihren Projekten zuallererst um die Sache selbst, erst danach werden die eingesetzten Mittel relevant. Als ihr Anfang der 90er-Jahre die Fotoausrüstung gestohlen wird, greift sie kurzerhand zu einer Diana (eine weitere Plastikkamera, die ernsthaften Fotograf*innen bestenfalls als Spielzeug gilt). Die niedrige optische Qualität der Plastiklinse verleiht den Mittelformataufnahmen einen traumhaften Charakter, der Ractliffe geeignet erscheint, das sich nach der Endhaftung Nelson Mandelas in einem radikalen Umbruch befindende Land zu dokumentieren. Bis 1995 entsteht so die Serie reShooting Diana, deren atmosphärische Fotos sich inmitten dieses hochwertigen Bildbands wie Fremdkörper ausnehmen. In einem mit dem Titel 'Aftermath' überschriebenen Kapitel beschäftigt sich Ractliffe mit den Nachwirkungen europäischer Kolonialpolitik. Im Mittelpunkt steht Angolas Bürgerkrieg, der das Land seit der Entlassung aus portugiesischer Herrschaft (1975) bis 2002 nicht zur Ruhe kommen ließ und stark von der Weltlage des Kalten Krieges befeuert wurde. 2007 bereiste Ractliffe zum ersten Mal Angola. Ein Land, das für sie zuvor ein geradezu abstrakter Ort war, an den Freunde und Geschwister gesendet wurden, um ihren Militärdienst abzuleisten. Für Terreno Ocupado (2007) nähert sich die Fotografin dem Land auf den Spuren des polnischen Autors Ryszard Kapuściński. Dabei ist sie sich ihrer schwierigen Rolle durchaus bewusst: 'I was very aware of being a stranger, photographing a place not mine' (S. 181). Eine Haltung, die man den Bildern deutlich ansieht: karge Landschaften mit Zivilisationsgerümpel und allen möglichen Verlassenschaften, Panoramen von improvisierten Baracken-Siedlungen, kaum Menschen. Alles in quadratischen Mittelformataufnahmen, alles schwarz-weiß. Noch entschlossener sind die Aufnahmen des Folgeprojekts As Terras do Fim do Mundo (2009-10). Ractliffe: 'I was intrested in exploring the idea of landscape as pathology' (S. 215). Hier gibt es demnach nur noch vollkommen menschenleere Landschaften. Nur ein einziges Foto weicht von diesem Konzept ab: Es zeigt den Soldaten einer Entminungseinheit, der in seinem Schutzanzug wie ein Außerirdischer wirkt. Abgeschlossen wird das Thema Angola von der Serie The Borderlands (2011-13), für die Ractliffe ausgewählte Orte innerhalb der südafrikanischen Grenzen dokumentiert, die für die Kolonialgeschichte, den Krieg in Angola und die Zeit der Apartheid von Bedeutung waren. Hier sieht man plötzlich auch wieder Menschen. Die Fotografin, die ein grundsätzliches Bedenken beim Ablichten von Menschen formuliert, das sich aus einem Unbehagen gegenüber der Aneignung des Abbildes der Porträtierten speist (vgl. S. 407), ist für diese Arbeit über ihren Schatten gesprungen, denn schließlich geht es hier auch um Fragen der Restitution. 'To avoid photographing people would mean to evacuate them from their homes and their land once again' (S. 253). Dieser im Kapitel 'Aftermath' zusammengefasste dreiteilige Werkkomplex zeigt eine Fotografin auf der Höhe ihres Könnens. Der Kontrast zu den oben genannten, früheren Arbeiten, die ihre Wirkung noch ganz bewusst aus einem spontanen Gestus in Verbindung mit niedriger Bildqualität zogen, könnte stärker kaum sein. An anderer Stelle verdeutlicht sich dann ein aktuelles Dilemma dokumentarischer Fotografie. Im Zuge der Arbeiten zu Borderlands hat Ractliffe in der Gegend von Schmidtsdrift auch Indigene in ihrer traditionellen Kleidung vor einer selbstgebauten Hütte fotografiert. Mit großem Unbehagen, wie sie erläutert. Da die Porträtierten dies jedoch ausdrücklich so wünschten, hat sie schließlich gegen alle Bedenken diese Art Fotos gemacht, die mit einem Mal die gesamte Problematik um den 'Edlen Wilden' als Objekt eines kolonialen Blickes wachrufen. Zu sehen bekommt man diese Aufnahmen allerdings nur als Miniaturen im erläuternden Teil (S. 408). Doch auch diese Entscheidung vermag nicht vollends zu überzeugen, lässt sie die solcherart Porträtierten doch als etwas erscheinen, das man verstecken müsse. Dabei wurde der Wunsch nach dieser Art von Sichtbarkeit ganz ausdrücklich artikuliert. Wem steht es also zu, diesen Wunsch zu verweigern oder nachträglich in einen opportun erscheinenden Rahmen zu drängen? Die Frage nach visueller Selbstbestimmung scheint auch hier noch nicht abschließend ausverhandelt. Dabei wäre so viel Vorsicht vielleicht gar nicht nötig gewesen. Hätte man die Fotos in ganz gewöhnlicher Größe abgebildet und der Diskussion darum etwas mehr Raum gegeben, niemand wäre auf die Idee gekommen, sie als Produkte einer unreflektierten Bildpraxis eizuordnen. Schon gar nicht, wo der 400 Seiten starke Kontext eine derart klare Sprache spricht. Das hier erstmals in einem Band versammelte Œuvre Ractliffes ist vielfältig und bemerkenswert. Ihr Zugang ist kein niederschwelliger und mag da und dort sogar etwas sperrig wirken. Es ist der Beleg einer Dokumentaristin, die sich den ausgetretenen Pfaden eines Genres zugunsten einer Handschrift verweigert, die sie deutlich von den gefälligen Bilderwelten ihrer Kolleg*innen abhebt. 'I wanted more than documentary, but still an anchor to the real…', formuliert sie ihren Zugang an einer Stelle des Gespräches mit Artur Walther (S. 401). Der wichtige südafrikanische Fotograf David Goldblatt – dem dieser Band auch teilweise gewidmet ist – hat es mit einer Serie über Minenarbeiter (On the Mines, 1973) zu internationaler Bekanntheit gebracht. Eineinhalb Jahrzehnte später stellt Jo Ractliffe ihre erste bedeutende Serie aus: Das stark ästhetisierte Projekt Nadir zeigt zurückgelassene Hunde portugiesischer Kolonialherren inmitten postapokalyptisch anmutender Landschaften. Es sind fiktive Fotomontagen, die auf authentischen Aufnahmen von Müllhalden in der Nähe Cape Towns fußen. Fünf Jahre später kommt es zum Ende der Apartheid und zu Südafrikas ersten demokratischen Wahlen. Es gibt viele Möglichkeiten, mit Fotografie etwas über die Geschichte eines Landes zu erzählen. 'My […] struggle was with the photographic conventions of the time', erzählt Ractliffe über diese Zeit des Umbruchs. 'I didn't fit the mode of social documentary, its direct political adress. I sought a different language, a certain poetics' (S. 13). Publikationen wie die vorliegende lassen hoffen, dass auch etwas von dieser anderen Sprache in Erinnerung bleiben wird.
This dissertation explores the implications of borders and boundaries for how forcibly displaced young Georgians from Abkhazia understand issues of belonging and return. My theoretical framework draws from theories on home and belonging as well as theories on border and boundary making, and locates them in geographies of uncertainty – or riskscapes – areas characterized by conflict and/or inequality. Empirical data was collected through two sets of interviews in Zugdidi near the border to Abkhazia and a questionnaire survey in Zugdidi and the capital Tbilisi. These data have been analysed through both qualitative and quantitative methods. The young respondents providing material for this research do not constitute a homogenous group. Some of the respondents have family still living in Abkhazia or even partly grew up in the area; others have never been there. The primary goal of the Georgian government has been that the displaced population should return to their homes, and the government's efforts for local integration has long been insufficient. Since no peace accords have been signed, a lack of security prevents a large-scale return. Notwithstanding increased border controls that have made it difficult to visit former homes, some young people still cross the de facto border. By doing this they contest both the Abkhazian de facto authorities and the border as a symbol of separation and differentiation, while claiming a right to belong in Abkhazia. Property and social relations in Abkhazia contribute to stronger connections and an imperative to return. On the other hand, experience of hardship in contemporary Abkhazia has resulted in some young people not considering return as a viable option. Youth who never visited Abkhazia depend mainly on other peoples' memories and political discourse to create emotional bonds to the area their parents fled and to form their ideas of return. Results from the quantitative survey indicate that youth living in Tbilisi, closer to the political centre, to a higher extent intend to return than their peers in Zugdidi. Meanwhile young people's experiences of everyday life in current dwellings in relative stability create emotional bonds to their present place of living. These experiences challenge both collective processes and experiences from Abkhazia when it comes to maintaining the desire to return. This research offers insights into the human consequences of war and conflict. More specifically, this dissertation sheds light on how young internally displaced persons (IDPs) are living in a borderland (in both temporal and spatial terms) characterized by uncertainty-- between the past and the future as well as between Georgia and Abkhazia. Practices of exclusion and segregation are constitutive of the borders and boundaries that permeate life experiences of the forcibly displaced youth. Furthermore, these borders and boundaries are situated in riskscapes of disputed belongings, which makes this borderland more or less stable for different groups of IDPs. This dissertation contributes to an increased understanding of how political aspirations and personal desire to return preserves instability and uncertainty as long as return is not possible. ; Denna avhandling undersöker konsekvenserna av gränser och gränsskapande för hur unga georgiska internflyktingar från Abkhazien förstår frågor om tillhörighet och återvändande. Jag utgår från teorier om hem och tillhörighet, liksom teorier om gränser och gränsskapande, och lokaliserar dem till geografier av osäkerhet – "riskscapes" – områden som karaktäriseras av konflikter och/eller ojämlikheter. Det datamaterial som ligger till grund för avhandlingen utgörs av två intervjustudier i Zugdidi nära gränsen till Abkhazien; och en enkätstudie som genomfördes i Zugdidi och i den georgiska huvudstaden Tbilisi. Materialet har analyserats genom användande av både kvalitativa och kvantitativa metoder. Avhandlingens respondenter utgör inte en homogen grupp. Några respondenter har familj och släktingar som bor i Abkhazien eller har delvis växt upp i området, medan andra aldrig ens varit där. Det primära målet för den georgiska regeringen har varit att internflyktingarna ska återvända till sina hem, och regeringens ansträngningar för integration i lokalsamhället har länge varit otillräckliga. Det saknas fredsavtal och bristen på säkerhet förhindrar återvändande i stor skala. Trots de ökade gränskontroller som gjort det svårt att korsa de facto gränslinjen tar sig en del ungdomar ändå over gränsen. Genom att göra detta bestrider de både de abkhaziska de facto myndigheterna och gränsen som symbol för separation och åtskillnad, medan de hävdar sin rätt att känna tillhörighet till Abkhazien. Att ha ett hus och sociala relationer i Abkhazien bidrar till emotionella band och en starkare uppmaning till att återvända. Å andra sidan kan erfarenheterna av vardagens umbäranden inne i Abkhazien resultera i att unga människor inte ser återvändande som ett tänkbart alternativ. Ungdomar som aldrig varit i Abkhazien är beroende av andra människors minnen och politiska diskurser för att skapa känslomässiga band och tankar om återvändande till det område deras föräldrar har flytt från. Resultat från den kvantitativa undersökningen visar vidare att ungdomar som bor i Tbilisi, närmare Georgiens politiska centrum, i högre grad anger att de har för avsikt att återvända än deras jämnåriga i Tbilisi. Ungdomars erfarenheter av vardagslivet i sina nuvarande bostäder i relativ stabilitet bidrar emellertid till att skapa känslomässiga band till den aktuella bostadsorten. Dessa erfarenheter utmanar på så vis både de kollektiva processerna och erfarenheter från Abkhazien när det gäller att upprätthålla drömmen om återvändande. Avhandlingen bidrar med insikter om konsekvenser av krig och konflikter för människors vardagsliv. Mer specifikt belyser jag hur avhandlingens unga respondenter lever i en sorts rumsligt och temporalt gränsland mellan det förflutna och framtiden och mellan Georgien och Abkhazien, och detta gränsland kännetecknas av osäkerhet. Praktiker av isärhållande och segregering är konstituerande för de gränser som genomsyrar internflyktingungdomarnas erfarenheter. Dessa gränser är dessutom situerade i "riskscapes" av ifrågasatta tillhörigheter, som gör gränslandet mer eller mindre stabilt för olika grupper av internflyktingar. Avhandlingen bidrar med en ökad förståelse för hur politiska ambitioner och personliga drömmar om återvändande håller kvar människor i instabilitet och osäkerhet så länge återvändandet inte är möjligt. ; Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 3 inskickat. At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 3 submitted.
In: Lemberg-Pedersen , M 2016 , Effective Protection or Effective Combat : EU border control and North Africa . in P Gaibazzi , S Dünnwald & A Bellagamba (eds) , EurAfrican Borders and Migration Management : Political Cultures, Contested Spaces and Ordinary Lives . Palgrave Macmillan , Palgrave Series in African Borderlands Studies , pp. 29-60 . https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-94972-4_2
At the outset I introduce a dominant mode of analysing border control, common in public discourses, namely the closed system perspective. This is then juxtaposed to what I claim is a more promising conceptual framework, namely that of borderscapes, which serves to highlight the dynamic, relational and multilocal character of European border control. This is then elaborated via a critical gaze at several attempts to defi ne how European states have attempted to externalize migration control to other countries in terms of supranational policy drives, ripple and mimicry effects. This then facilitates a more nuanced understanding of externalization. Since border control reterritorializes geographic spaces according to the mobility of the people through them, it follows that the EU's border control, and with it also aspects of the union's asylum policy, have both biopolitical and geopolitical implications. Accordingly, the chapter invokes the works of Foucault and Agamben in an attempt to identify the political economy underpinning the EU's mobility regime of free and forced fl ows. This perspective also allows for useful spatial interpretations of the relations between cartographic representation of the phenomenon of migration and the sovereign power involved in producing knowledge about migration and border control. By analysing the European efforts to reconstruct its borderscapes through the externalization of detention camps to Libya, I argue that focusing only on sovereign power and the production of free circulation for some, and forced fl ows of others, risk bypassing other political, technocratic and public–private dynamics. The chapter focuses in particular on the intergovernmental and supranational negotiations of a Northwestern Triade of EU states, namely the Netherlands, the UK and Denmark, alongside Germany and Italy, which facilitated the rise of Libya as a host state for preemptive European control of asylum seekers. These dynamics are crucial when seeking a comprehensive understanding of how the EurAfrican dynamics of border control are characterized by the export of control to regions like Libya or Egypt. This, in turn, has prompted two parallel developments reinforcing one another: On the one hand, it has led to the closure of legal escape routes from Africa and the Middle East, which in turn has created the unprecedented rise of a smuggling industry operating often fatal alternative routes. On the other hand, European border control and its 'combat against smugglers' has emerged as a massively lucrative market for the European arms industry, both in terms of contracts to guard the EU's external borders and in terms of the export of weapons and control systems to North African states. Finally, the chapter suggests that while many forced migration researchers have tended to view border control as a reaction to the movement of already-displaced people, externalization is in fact a cause of transnational displacement and forced migration in itself. I label this specifi c kind of forced migration brought about by EU border control 'border- induced displacement', since this allow us to appraise both the functionality of the EurAfrican border regime and the humanitarian consequences characterizing this kind of displacement. Perhaps we can then provide some tentative answers to those asking how the tragedy at Lampedusa could have happened.
После разделов Речи Посполитой перед новыми властями встала проблема определения статуса мелкой шляхты в сословной иерархии Российской империи. На рубеже XVIII-XIX вв. этот вопрос решался в Сенате. В апреле 1800 г. по представлению 3-го департамента Сената, Павел I подтвердил фискальный иммунитет мелкой шляхты и другие привилегии, которыми она пользовалась в Речи Посполитой. Однако в том же году после рассмотрения частного вопроса о налогообложении шляхты, оказавшейся в Новороссийской губернии, 1-й департамент Сената принял две резолюции, противоречащие смыслу апрельского постановления. В статье анализируются обстоятельства принятия департаментами Сената решений, которые отразили разные подходы к проблеме включения малоимущего нобилитета западных губерний в состав высшего сословия Российской империи. Постановление 3-го департамента предполагало кооптацию целой группы посредством законодательного признания ее привилегированного статуса. В основе резолюций 1-го департамента лежала установка на интеграцию в ряды российского дворянства каждого шляхтича в индивидуальном порядке. В итоге предпочтение было отдано второй модели, по которой принадлежность к шляхте должна была регулироваться в соответствии с российскими законами. ; After the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795 the Russian empire faced a problem of determining the social status of petty Polish nobles (szlachta) in imperial hierarchy. At the turn of the 19th century the Senate was the governmental body that had to resolve this issue. In April of 1800 Paul I approved the proposal of the Senate's 3d department to confirm lesser szlachta's fiscal immunity and other privileges enjoyed by her under Rzecz Pospolita. Yet, in the same year the Senate's 1st department when deliberating on a separate case of szlachta's tax status in Novorossiysk province, passed two resolutions that contradicted the legal norm adopted in April. This paper focuses on the analysis of circumstances under which the Senate's departments came to different decisions on the same problem. Their resolutions reflected two approaches to the policy of petty szlachta's inclusion in the imperial nobility. The resolution of the 3d department, supported by Paul I, envisaged a co-optation of szlachta as a social group through legislative confirmation of its privileged status in the empire. The approach of the 1st department emphasized the necessity of szlachta's integration into imperial nobility on the individual basis (by submitting proofs of noble origin compliant to the Russian laws). As a result the imperial government gave preference to the second model of inclusion.
Chapter 1. Introduction -- Part 1: Power in Peace Relations -- Chapter 2. The Fix: Why We Can't Solve the World's Problems -- Chapter 3. The American Supremacy and Leadership Pre-eminence in NATO: A Test of the Transatlantic Alliance -- Chapter 4. Cosmopolitan Peacekeeping Through International Humanitarian Order in the Frame of Sustainability and the Global Economy -- Chapter 5. Making Waves: Accessing a Model of Sustainable Peace and Cooperation Through Qualitative Methodologies -- Chapter 6. European Union: Politics and Policies -- Chapter 7. Making War and Building Peace: What Future for the United Nations and Regional Peace Operations -- Part 2: International Politics and War on Peace -- Chapter 8. Imperial Gamble: Putin, Ukraine, (the West) and the New Cold War -- Chapter 9. The Questions of War: Taiwan and Ukraine -- Chapter 10. Populist Sharp Power: How the World Entered a New Cold War -- Chapter 11. Human Rights in the World Community: Issues, Challenges and Action Proposed -- Chapter 12. Barack Obama and the Politics of Race: The Myth of Post racism and Public Perception in a New World Order -- Part 3: War, Diplomacy, Arms Races or Stability -- Chapter 13. The End of "the Endless War": Biden's Botched Afghanistan Exit and the Myth of American Decline -- Chapter 14. Nuclear Danger in Asia: Arms Races or Stability? -- Chapter 15. Addressing Disinformation & Misplaced Criticism: The Need for a More Effective EU Public Diplomacy -- Chapter 16. Children, Conflicts, and International Relations: The International Law and Children's Human Rights -- Chapter 17. Putin's Russia and the Nuclear War Threat to the West: Everyone Loses, One Step Forward, Two Steps Back -- Chapter 18. "Human Security and Human Rights: Connecting the Global and the Local" -- Part 4: Global Security, Terrorism, and the Role of Force -- Chapter 19. "The Battle Against Global Terrorism the Role of Private Security in the USA and in the EU" -- Chapter 20. Bringing Law as Interpretation (Through Performance Art) to the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement: A Conceptual Framework for Borderlands -- Chapter 21. ""The Hidden Figure of a Global Crime": From Human Trafficking to Human Rights: Complexities and Pitfalls" -- Chapter 22. George Orwell's Animal Farm Revisited: Situating International Instability - Why? What? Whither? -- Chapter 23. A Spin of the Wheel – Co-operation or Competition: Defense Procurement and Defense Industries in International Relations -- Chapter 24. Islam V. Islamic State: Charges, Arguments, and Evidence in the Islamic Case Against Isis -- Chapter 25. "Modernizing the U.S. Strategic Land Based Missile Force: Prudent Necessity or Deterrence Distraction?" -- Part 5: Foreign Policy Analysis -- Chapter 26. The New EU-Africa Relations' Strategy: Soft Power or Neoliberalist Power? -- Chapter 27. Britain's Economic Relations with Africa in a Post-Brexit, Post-Elizabethan Future -- Chapter 28. Romania: Between Europeanization and De-Europeanization -- Chapter 29. Trojan Horses or Still Out in the Cold? United States Foreign Relations with Poland: Road Ahead in the Wake of Russian Rockets Landing in NATO State Poland -- Chapter 30. Why Foreign Policies Fail, and Why Political Scientists Misunderstand Policy Failure.
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The aim of this article is contributing to a great variety of theoretical perspectives and empirical settings to generate cumulative evidence about the influence of historical legacies and organizational ability for managing the past. In a continuation of critical perspectives that challenges the dominance of Anglo-Saxon onto-epistemologies in management and organization studies (MOS), we conducted an empirical study on a multinational airline company whose past successes depended on the North/South, Anglo/Latin American borderlands. We analyzed the grand narratives of Pan American Airways' (PAA) corporate archival material to determine its dominant discourses about people from Latin America. Based on the three themes of politics, economics, and culture, we present three grand narratives, or official stories, that we argue summaries PAA storytelling about Latin America between 1927 and 1960. Following decolonial feminism, we aim to recontextualize the past and the hegemonic storytelling embedded in PAA's grand narratives. ; El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir a una gran variedad de perspectivas teóricas y escenarios empíricos para generar evidencia acumulada sobre la influencia de los legados históricos y la capacidad organizativa para gestionar el pasado. Continuando con la perspectiva crítica que desafía el dominio de las epistemologías anglosajonas en los estudios de gestión y organizaciones, realizamos un estudio empírico sobre una aerolínea multinacional cuyos éxitos pasados dependieron de las fronteras Norte/Sur; anglo-latinoamericanas. Analizamos las grandes narrativas del material de archivo corporativo de Pan American Airways (PAA) para establecer discursos dominantes sobre las personas de América Latina. Sobre la base de tres temas: política, economía y cultura, desarrollamos tres grandes narrativas o historias oficiales que argumentamos son un resumen de la narrativa de PAA sobre América Latina entre 1927 y 1960. Utilizando el marco teórico del feminismo decolonial, nuestro objetivo es recontextualizar el pasado y la narración hegemónica incrustada en las grandes narrativas de PAA. ; O objetivo deste artigo é contribuir para uma grande variedade de perspectivas teóricas e configurações empíricas para gerar evidências cumulativas sobre a influência de legados históricos e capacidade organizacional para gerenciar o passado. Continuando com a perspectiva crítica que desafia o domínio das epistemologias anglo-saxônicas nos estudos de gestão e organização, realizamos um estudo empírico sobre uma companhia aérea multinacional cujos sucessos passados dependiam das fronteiras norte/sul anglo-latino-americanas. Analisamos as grandes narrativas da Pan American Airways (PAA) a partir dos arquivos corporativos da empresa a fim de determinar quais os discursos dominantes acerca daspessoas da América Latina. Com base nos temas: política, economia e cultura, apresentamos três grandes narrativas, ou histórias oficiais, que sumariam os discursos da PAA acerca da América Latina entre 1927 e 1960. A partir do feminismo decolonial, buscamos recontextualizar o passado e o discurso hegemônico incorporado nas grandes narrativas do PAA.
