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In: CCS Working Papers, Band 7
"Human Trafficking is a phenomenon often observed in post-conflict environments and as such can be analysed from the stand of peace and conflict studies. Trafficking in women for the purpose of forced prostitution has been a serious problem in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. A prominent approach is to look at the international personnel as a factor influencing the fast growing sex industry. I argue that such a view is too short-sighted and that social factors play a vital role for the degradation of women to objects. The militarisation of society and a hatred of women before, during and after the war facilitated the trafficking in women. After having looked at the phenomenon of trafficking and reasons for women to migrate, I then examine the factors that helped to make Bosnia and Herzegovina a destination country for trafficked women. One factor that remains is the involvement of international personnel. The trafficking was facilitated by a weak juridical system and a corrupt police. Then I turn to the factors within the Bosnian society: I show that even though the communists declared the 'women's question' as solved, they could not change gender relations in former Yugoslavia to a true gender equality. During the break-up of Yugoslavia, traditional gender relations became part of the war strategy, using gender images either to form a group or dissociate it from the other. In this context, rape also aimed at humiliating the other groups and served as a tool of communication between men. This misogynist strategy laid ground for trafficking and trading women like commodities. The presence of international personnel is thus only one factor for the expansion of prostitution, albeit the most visible. The other factors are deeper embedded within society and its specific postconflictsituation." (author's abstract)
U ovom se radu govori o međunarodnopravnom subjektivitetu Bosne i Hercegovine, u pravom smislu riječi. Priznanje državnosti od Ujedinjenih naroda sada već davne 1992. godine, članstvo u velikom broju međunarodnih organizacija, bezbroj programa jačanja institucionalnih kapaciteta, izdašna materijalna i nematerijalna međunarodna pomoć u svim segmentima društva, kao i svi pozitivni društveno-političko-ekonomski procesi implementirani od Daytona do danas nisu rezultirali odgovarajućim pozicioniranjem Bosne i Hercegovine u međunarodnim odnosima, u prvom redu među zemljama jugoistočne Europe. Budući da je taj subjektivitet izuzetno ograničen ili dugoročno neproduktivan, kada se radi o odnosima u regiji, uloga na ''većoj'' međunarodnoj sceni je zanemariva i time se nećemo baviti. Takva pozicija dolazi kao posljedica izuzetno složene unutarnje strukture Bosne i Hercegovine i odnosa između bosanskohercegovačkih političkih subjekata. Geopolitika je prema riječima ''oca geopolitike'' Rudolfa Kjellena praktičan i realističan pristup međunarodnoj politici gdje se poseban naglasak stavlja na ulogu koju za državu imaju teritorij i resursi. Ako ulogu koju neka država može imati u međunarodnoj politici determiniraju njezini resursi, kako to tumači Kjellen, onda Bosna i Hercegovina ima odlične predispozicije da postane važan ''igrač'' prije svega na prostoru jugoistočne Europe, ali i šire. Stvarnost je ipak malo drugačija. ; This paper deals with the international legal subjectivity of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the true sense of the word. Recognition of statehood by the United Nations back in 1992, membership in a large number of international organizations, countless programs of institutional capacity building, generous material and immaterial international assistance in all segments of society, as well as all positive socio-political-economic processes implemented from Dayton until today did not result in an appropriate positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to international relations primarily among Southeast European countries. Since this subjectivity is exceptionally limited or long-term unproductive when it comes to relations in the region, the role on the "bigger" international scene is negligible and we will not deal with it. This position comes as a result of the extremely complex internal structure and the relations between political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to Rudolf Kjellen's "father of geopolitics", Geopolitics is a practical and realistic approach to international politics, where special emphasis is placed on the role of territory and resources for each state. If the position of state in international relations is determined by its resources as Kjellen explains, then Bosnia and Herzegovina has a great predisposition to become an important player, especially in the region of Southeast Europe and beyond. Reality is, however, a bit different.
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In: Der Donauraum: Zeitschrift des Institutes für den Donauraum und Mitteleuropa, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 125-134
ISSN: 2307-289X
In: Southeast European Integration Perspectives 10
Im Februar 2014 befreiten Proteste und Versammlungen in Bosnien und Herzegowina die politische Klasse von einer korrupten Allianz von nationalistischen Eliten und internationalen Verfechtern des Neoliberalismus. Der Band veranschaulicht, wie Solidarität, Gleichheit und bürgerliche Werte spürbar wirksam sind im Kampf für eine neue Politik
In: Studienreihe des Ludwig-Boltzmann-Instituts für Menschenrechte 15
In: Gender: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 24-39
ISSN: 2196-4467
Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit den Frauenbewegungen in Bosnien und Herzegowina (BuH), einer Gesellschaft, die aufgrund des Krieges von 1992 bis 1995 und der im Friedensabkommen von Dayton festgelegten institutionellen Vereinbarungen oft als ethnisch gespalten beschrieben wird. Ethnonationalistische Eliten treiben historischen Revisionismus und Patriarchalismus voran. Frauen werden als passive Opfer konzipiert und die Kontinuität ihres Aktivismus wird unterdrückt. Dies gilt auch für die Diskurse internationaler Geldgeber, von deren Unterstützung zahlreiche Frauenorganisationen abhängen. Die Autorin analysiert aufgrund ihrer qualitativen Forschung, wie sich die Aktivistinnen an Aktivismus und die Lage der Frauen in verschiedenen historischen Epochen erinnern und auf welche Weise Erinnerung in konkrete Aktivitäten übersetzt wird. Trotz der neuen Schwerpunkte von Aktivistinnen und ihren Organisationen zeigt die Analyse, wie sie einen Bezug zur Zeit des Sozialismus und zu ihrem Friedensengagement während des Krieges und nach dem Krieg aufbauen, um eine kontextualisiertere und autonomere Frauenbewegung in BuH zu schaffen und ihre Rolle als Akteurinnen zu bestätigen und zu stärken.
U radu se razmatraju implikacije braniteljskih naknada na socijalnu politiku i fiskalnu održivost u jednom od dva entiteta Bosne i Hercegovine, Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine. Autor nastoji obuhvatiti promjene tijekom vremena i povezati ih s procesom demilitarizacije, kao i s utjecajem i pritiskom braniteljskih udruga, što je rezultiralo mjerama koje pogoduju određenim grupama branitelja, često nauštrb drugih korisnika i dugoročne održivosti sustava. Socijalna politika i zakonodavstvo koje regulira status branitelja u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine temelji se na statusu, što vladinim dužnosnicima daje prostor za značajne diskrecijske odluke o dodjeli sredstava. Time se destabiliziraju javne financije, dok se malo toga poduzima u borni protiv siromaštva. ; The paper addresses the implications of war veteran benefits on social policy and fiscal sustainability in one of the two B&H entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author attempts to address changes over time and relate these to the process of demilitarisation, as well as the influence and pressures exerted by war veteran associations, which resulted in policies favourable to certain war veteran groups, often at the expense of other beneficiaries and the system's long term sustainability. Social policy and war veteran legislation in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is status based, which provides scope for considerable discretion by government officials in deciding where to allocate funds. This, in turn, is destabilising public finances, while little is being done to address poverty alleviation.
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In: Der Donauraum: Zeitschrift des Institutes für den Donauraum und Mitteleuropa, Band 59, Heft 1-2, S. 105-126
ISSN: 2307-289X
In: OSCE yearbook, S. 167-177
Das Dayton Abkommen von 1995 sieht für die OSZE in Bosnien Herzegowina besondere Aufgaben im militärischen Bereich - regionale Stabilisierung durch die Umsetzung der Vereinbarungen über vertrauens- und sicherheitsbildende Maßnahmen sowie subregionale Rüstungskontrolle - vor, die von der dortigen OSZE Mission durch eine eigene Abteilung für militärische Angelegenheiten (Department of Security Co-operation DSC) wahrgenommen werden. Auch wenn es Fortschritte auf dem Weg zur demokratischen Kontrolle der Streitkräfte Bosnien-Herzegowinas gibt, die nicht zuletzt auf die vielfältigen unterstützenden Tätigkeiten der OSZE Mission zurückgehen, ist die Bereitschaft der bosnischen Behörden/Ministerien zur Zusammenarbeit mit der OSZE bei der Erfüllung konkreter Abrüstungsmaßnahmen (Waffen- und Munitionsvernichtung) unbefriedigend. (IFSH/Pll)
World Affairs Online
U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj koji lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave. ; The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government.
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The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government. ; U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj kojeg lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave.
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In: Südost-Europa: journal of politics and society, Band 54, Heft 2, S. 235-256
ISSN: 0722-480X
World Affairs Online
In: Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht: ZÖR = Journal of public law, Band 64, Heft 2, S. 237-249
ISSN: 1613-7663