Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Dissertation aims to empirically test the theoretical hypotheses raised by the first wave of scholarship in the field of transitional justice about the supposed benefits of transitional justice institutions. It focuses on the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and attempts to trace the impact it may have had on societal reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis starts with defining and operationalizing the concept of reconciliation and continues with conceptualization of hypothetical causal mechanisms that could explain ICTYs impact. The mechanisms are tested with data gathered during 3 consecutive fieldworks in BiH (69 semi-structured interviews, archival analysis, participant observation, international organizations' and city administration's reports, etc.). Finally, alternative causal explanations, such as the possibility of spontaneous reconciliation occurring out of natural need to move on and rebuild a war-torn society and the possibility of reconciliation occurring due to international pressure to democratize are considered and empirically tested. It is concluded that ICTY exerted its influence via two interdependent causal mechanisms of horizontal and vertical trust building. Several scope conditions are identified that help to generalize the research conclusions to other cases. By proving the existence of such causal mechanisms and refuting the alternative causal explanations, ICTYs impact is confirmed and proven to have been necessary for reconciliation to occur in BiH.
Investigated the problems of periodization of the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1996-2012. The changes in the political structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina are not provided Dayton Peace Agreement. ; Исследованы проблемы периодизации истории Боснии и Герцеговины в 1996-2012 гг. Рассмотрены изменения в политической структуре Боснии и Герцеговины, не предусмотренные Дейтонскими мирными соглашениями. ; Досліджено проблеми періодизації історії Боснії і Герцеговини у 1996-2012 рр. Розглянуто зміни в політичній структурі Боснії і Герцеговині, не передбачені Дейтонськими мирними угодами.
The article is devoted to the peculiarities of legal status and leading directions of activity of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine. The specifics of the procedure for their appointment, admission and grounds for the release of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine are characterized. It has been proved that the current scientific discourse gives a proper place to such issues as the peculiarities of the legal status and the specifics of the activity of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine. Particular attention is paid to considering the requirements imposed by the national legislation of Ukraine on persons intending to be honorary consuls of foreign states. An important place in the article is given to the analysis of privileges and immunities which honorary consuls enjoy while in office. The grounds for the release of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine are analyzed. It is noted that the decision to terminate the powers of the Honorary Consul of a foreign state in Ukraine is made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and communicated to the accrediting State. The characteristic of the process of organizing the work of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine is provided. In particular, honorary consuls of foreign states in Ukraine have the right to appoint employees of their institution at their own discretion and should take care of creating the proper conditions for the functioning of the honorary consulate. In this context, a certain amount of attention is paid to the consideration of the means necessary for the honorary consul of foreign states to perform the functions entrusted to them. As a matter of priority, the Honorary Consuls should have appropriate premises at their disposal which they may purchase or lease to exercise their powers. The peculiarities and leading directions of activity of the honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine at the present stage are characterized. Characterization of the general functions performed by honorary consulates of foreign countries in Ukraine is given. It is established that it is the Honorable Consulates that can effectively perform the functions of the link between the states in the absence of permanent diplomatic and consular establishments (on the example of the Honorary Consulate of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Ukraine). The complex of functions, the implementation of which is entrusted to honorary consulates in Ukraine such states as Israel, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lithuania, Slovakia, the Federative Republic of Brazil, is described. In particular, the functions of the Honorary Consulate of Bosnia and Herzegovina, located in Kyiv, are as follows: Assistance to officials of Bosnia and Herzegovina during their visit to Ukraine; taking care of and assistance to the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina living on the territory of Ukraine; promotion of tourism to Bosnia and Herzegovina; informing the relevant institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina about the developments and events in various spheres in the host country (especially on trade and economic opportunities); providing objective and comprehensive information on the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina upon requests in the host country. The leading directions of functioning of the Honorary Consulate of the State of Israel on the territory of Western Ukraine are considered. It is established that at the present stage, its employees are focused on the following tasks: restoration of investment attractiveness of the specified region, assistance to Ukrainian businessmen entering the market of Israel, implementation of joint projects in the field of security, intensification of cooperation in the field of information technologies, cooperation in the sphere of energy saving. The role of honorary consulates in the process of developing transfrontier co-operation and supporting the national minorities that are compactly residing in the border areas is emphasized. Exactly for this purpose the Honorary Consulate of Slovakia was opened in a village Great Berezne, located near the Ukrainian-Slovak border, whose powers extend to the Transcarpathian and Ivano-Frankivsk regions. A significant place in the article is given to the description of the implementation of the information function by the honorary consulates of foreign states and the function of maintaining and developing relations in the cultural sphere, as far as honorary consulates are also subjects of the implementation of cultural diplomacy. In particular, in March 2018 an exhibition of paintings by the members of the National Union of Artists of Ukraine with the symbolic name "Bridges" was opened at the premises of the Honorary Consulate of the Czech Republic in Uzhgorod, which should demonstrate the prospect of Ukraine's unification with the European Union. ; Статья посвящена исследованию особенностей правового статуса и ведущих направлений деятельности почетных консульств иностранных государств в Украине. Охарактеризована специфика процедуры назначения, допуска и основания для увольнения почетных консулов в Украине. Особое внимание уделено практике функционирования почетных консульств таких государств как Израиль, Литовская Республика, Босния и Герцеговина на территории Украины на современном этапе. Исследован комплекс функций, выполнение которых возлагается на почетные консульства иностранных государств в Украине. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню особливостей правового статусу та провідних напрямків діяльності почесних консульств іноземних держав в Україні. Охарактеризовано специфіку процедури призначення, допущення та підстави для звільнення почесних консулів іноземних держав в Україні. Значну увагу приділено аналізу практики функціонування почесних консульств таких держав як Ізраїль, Литовська Республіка, Боснія і Герцеговина на території України на сучасному етапі. Досліджений комплекс функцій, здійснення яких покладається на почесні консульства іноземних держав в Україні.
In the article aspects of becoming and development of the electoral and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina are considered. Influences of the electoral system on adjusting of ethnic conflicts in a country are analyzed. ; В статье рассмотрены аспекты становления и развития избирательной и политической системы Боснии и Герцеговины. Проанализировано влияние избирательной системы на регулирование этнических конфликтов в стране. ; В статті розглянуті аспекти становлення та розвитку виборчої та політичної системи Боснії і Герцеговини. Проаналізовано вплив виборчої системи на регулювання етнічних конфліктів в країні.
Present article deals with the problem of the evolution of relations between the European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1995. Main guidelines, upon which the policy of the EU towards third countries is based are examined. Drawing on the provisions of the Europeanization theory, the author provides analyses of the concrete results which were achieved by the EU in Bosnia. Giving his assessment of the results of the state-building process in Bosnia which lasted for more than 15 years and which was accompanied by the EU presence, the author concludes that they are unsatisfactory. In his opinion, internal social, political and economic difficulties of the postwar period together with the inconsistency of the EU policy represent principal reasons of the general inefficiency of the external political mechanisms used by the EU in Bosnia. ; Статья посвящена проблеме развития отношений Европейского Союза и Боснии и Герцеговины в период с 1995 года. В ней рассмотрены основные положения, на которых базируется политика ЕС по отношению к третьим странам. Опираясь на положения теории европеизации, автор анализирует конкретные результаты, которых ЕС достиг в Боснии. Оценивая результаты государственного строительства, за более чем 15 лет присутствия ЕС в Боснии и Герцеговине, автор приходит к выводу, что они являются неудовлетворительными. По мнению автора, внутренние социальные, политические и экономические трудности, а также непоследовательностьполитики ЕС, являются главными причинами общей неэффективности внешнеполитических механизмов ЕС в Боснии. ; Стаття присвячена проблемі розвитку відносин Європейського Союзу та Боснії і Герцеговини в період із 1995 року. В ній розглянуті основні засади, на яких базується політика ЄС щодо третіх країн. Спираючись на положення теорії європеїзації, автор аналізує конкретні результати, яких досягнув ЄС в Боснії. Оцінюючи результати державного будівництва за більш ніж 15 років присутності ЄС в Боснії і Герцеговині, автор приходить до висновку, що вони є незадовільними. На думку автора, внутрішні соціальні, політичні та економічні складнощі, разом із непослідовністю політики ЄС є головними причинами загальної неефективності зовнішньополітичних механізмів ЄС в Боснії.
The article comprises analysis of party system, formed after the fi rst multiparty elections in Yugoslavia in 1990. Characterization of party systems in Croatia, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina not only help better understand reasons for the collapse of the Yugoslav federation, but also to reveal causes of inter-ethnic violence on its territory. The main thesis is that the victory of ethnic parties in the fi rst democratic elections determined the development of the Yugoslav nation. ; В статье проанализированы партийные системы, сложившиеся в результате первых многопартийных выборов в СФРЮ в 1990 году. Характеристика партийных систем в Хорватии, Сербии, Боснии и Герцоговине позволяет не только глубже понять причины распада югославской федерации, но и раскрыть предпосылки вспышки межэтнического насилия на ее территории. Обоснован тезис о том, что именно победа этнических партий на первых демократических выборах определила траекторию развития югославских стран. ; У статті проаналізовано партійні системи, що склались в результаті перших багатопартійних виборів у СФРЮ у 1990 році. Характеристика партійних систему Хорватії, Сербії та Боснії і Герцеговини дозволяє не лише глибшезрозуміти причини розпаду югославської федерації, а й розкрити передумови спалаху міжетнічного насильства на її території. Обґрунтовано тезу про те, що саме перемога етнічних партій на перших демократичних виборах визначила траєкторію розвитку югославських країн.
The article firstly identifies and reveales the essence of national and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism that have been applied in the Balkan states, in particular, in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The national mechanisms of suppression of separatism include legal, financial, administrative, information mechanisms, and among the international political mechanisms are international legal mechanisms, the mechanism of recognition or non-recognition of the independence of new states, international financial and economic instruments. The study showed the dynamics of the most important events that took place in the Balkans after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in particular during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991-1995, the Bosnian War in 1992–1995, and during Kosovo's struggle for independence from Serbia. The revival of separatist movements in the Balkan Peninsula began as a result of the overthrow of the communist regimes and the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Central and Eastern Europe in the 90's of the twentieth century. The interethnic distrust and constant tension became one of the reasons for the beginning of the civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Moreover, the article characterized the concept of «Great Albania», which involves the reunification of all the territories where the Albanian ethnic group lives. Several regions of Macedonia, Montenegro, the Epirus region in Greece and Kosovo should be part of the «Greater Albania». Furthermore, the study considers the experience of suppression of separatism of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the possibility of its use in Ukraine and other countries where separatist tendencies dominate, in order to avoid human victims, preserve territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Consequently, separatism is a dangerous phenomenon that contains an enormous threat to the national security and territorial integrity, since it is related to the change of borders of the existing states and creation of the new countries on the political map of the world. ; В статье впервые определена и раскрыта суть национальных и международно-политических механизмов противодействия сепаратизму, которые были применены в Балканских государствах, в частности в Сербии, Хорватии и Боснии и Герцеговине. К национальным механизмам противодействия принадлежат правовые, финансовые, административные, информационные механизмы, а к международно-политическим – международно-правовые механизмы, механизм признания или непризнания независимости новых государств, международные финансово-экономические инструменты. Проанализирована динамика важнейших событий, которые происходили на Балканах после распада Социалистической Федеративной Республики Югославия, в частности во время войны за независимость Хорватии 1991–1995 гг., войны в Боснии и Герцеговине 1992–1995 гг. и в течение борьбы Косово за независимость от Сербии. Отметим, что возрождение сепаратистских настроений и движений на Балканском полуострове началось в результате свержения коммунистических режимов и усиления центробежных тенденций в Центрально-Восточной Европе в 90-х гг. ХХ в. Процесс распада СФРЮ сопровождался напряжением и межэтническим недоверием, которые стали одной из причин начала гражданских войн в Хорватии и Боснии и Герцеговине. Также проанализирована концепция «Великой Албании», которая предусматривает воссоединение всех территорий, где проживает албанский этнос. В состав «Великой Албании» должны войти отдельные регионы Македонии, Черногории, область Эпир в Греции и Косово. Рассмотрен опыт противодействия сепаратизму Сербии, Хорватии и Боснии и Герцеговины, возможности его использования в Украине и других странах, где господствуют сепаратистские настроения, во избежание человеческих жертв, сохранение территориальной целостности и нерушимости границ. ; У статті вперше визначено та розкрито суть національних і міжнародно-політичних механізмів протидії сепаратизму, що були застосовані у Балканських державах, зокрема у Сербії, Хорватії та Боснії і Герцеговині. До національних механізмів протидії належать правові, фінансові, адміністративні, інформаційні механізми, а до міжнародно-політичних – міжнародно-правові механізми, механізм визнання або невизнання незалежності нових держав, міжнародні фінансово-економічні інструменти. Проаналізовано динаміку найважливіших подій, які відбувалися на Балканах після розпаду Соціалістичної Федеративної Республіки Югославія, зокрема під час війни за незалежність Хорватії 1991–1995 рр., війни у Боснії і Герцеговині 1992–1995 рр. та впродовж боротьби Косово за незалежність від Сербії. Зазначимо, що відродження сепаратистських настроїв і рухів на Балканському півострові розпочалося внаслідок повалення комуністичних режимів та посилення відцентрових тенденцій у Центрально-Східній Європі у 90-х рр. ХХ ст. Процес розпаду СФРЮ супроводжувався напруженням та міжетнічною недовірою, які стали однією з причин початку громадянських війн у Хорватії та Боснії і Герцеговині. Також проаналізовано концепцію «Великої Албанії», яка передбачає возз'єднання усіх територій, де проживає албанський етнос. До складу «Великої Албанії» має бути приєднано окремі регіони Македонії, Чорногорії, область Епір в Греції та Косово. Розглянуто досвід протидії сепаратизму Сербії, Хорватії та Боснії і Герцеговини, можливості його використання в Україні та інших країнах, де панують сепаратистські настрої, для уникнення людських жертв, збереження територіальної цілісності та непорушності кордонів.
Tsytriak V., Kondrych V. EUROPEANEXPERIENCE OF THEANTI-CORRUPTION JUDICIARYThe article is devoted to thestudy of legislative and practicalimplementation of specialized anticorruptionjudicial institutions in anumber of European countries. Thereasons and prerequisites of creationof anti-corruption courts, peculiaritiesof organizational models, expectedand obtained results of their activityare considered. It is determined thatthe activities of anti-corruption courtsare a guarantee of the prosecution ofpersons who committed corruptionoffenses, can fundamentally increasethe effectiveness of corruption casesand ensure the adoption of highqualityand consistent court decisions.Based on the analysis of the experienceof anti-corruption bodies in foreigncountries, it has been found thatthe Republic of Slovakia is the firststate in Europe where anti-corruptioncourts and prosecutors have beenestablished as special institutionsand key elements of the entire anticorruptioninfrastructure. In addition,a specialized anti-corruption courthas been established in the Republicof Croatia, and the Anti-Corruptionand Organized Crime Office is thebasis of the anti-corruption systemin that country. It is determined thatthe institutionalization of the fightagainst corruption in the Republicof Bulgaria is marked by reformstowards the formation of effectivemeans of combating corruption andcreation of an appropriate systemof specialized bodies. In addition,taking into account the creationof the Special Court for CombatingCorruption and Organized Crime, theRepublic of Albania is included in thelist of countries in which specializedanti-corruption institutions operate. Itis noted that other Balkan countriesare going through the creation ofspecialized anti-corruption bodies.In Bosnia and Herzegovina, withinthe Criminal Division of the Courtof Bosnia and Herzegovina a sectionspecializing in organized crime,economic crime and corruption hasbeen established, and in the Republicof Serbia, North Macedonia and theRepublic of Montenegro there arespecial departments whose powersinclude the investigation of corruptionoffences. It has been determined thatthe process of establishing a system ofanti-corruption bodies is also ongoingin the Republic of Armenia and theRepublic of Moldova. ; Статтю присвячено дослі-дженню законодавчого та практич-ного впровадження спеціалізованихантикорупційних судових інститу-цій у низці європейських країн. Роз-глянуто причини та передумовистворення антикорупційних судів,особливості організаційних моде-лей, очікувані та отримані резуль-тати їхньої діяльності. Визначено,що діяльність антикорупційнихсудів є гарантією судового пере-слідування осіб, які вчинили коруп-ційні правопорушення, здатнапринципово підвищити ефектив-ність розгляду корупційних справта забезпечити прийняття якіс-них і послідовних судових рішень.На основі аналізу досвіду функці-онування антикорупційних органіву зарубіжних країнах з'ясовано,що Республіка Словаччина є пер-шою державою Європи, де створеноантикорупційні суд та прокура-туру як спеціальні установи таключові елементи всієї антикоруп-ційної інфраструктури. Крім того,встановлено, що спеціалізованийантикорупційний суд функціонує і вРеспубліці Хорватія, а основою сис-теми протидії корупції в цій кра-їні є Управління з протидії коруп-ції та організованій злочинності.Визначено, що інституціоналізаціяборотьби з корупцією в РеспубліціБолгарія відзначається реформамив напрямі формування ефективнихзасобів боротьби з корупцією тастворення відповідної системи спе-ціалізованих органів. До того ж допереліку країн, в яких функціону-ють спеціалізовані антикорупційніустанови, віднесено й РеспублікуАлбанія з огляду на створенняв ній Спеціального суду з проти-дії корупції та організованій зло-чинності. Відзначено, що шляхомстворення спеціалізованих анти-корупційних органів прямують йінші балканські країни. Встанов-лено, що в Боснії та Герцеговинів рамках Кримінального відділуСуду Боснії та Герцеговини ство-рено секцію, що спеціалізується нарозгляді справ щодо організованоїзлочинності, економічних злочиніві корупції, а в Республіці Сербія,Північній Македонії та РеспубліціЧорногорія функціонують спеці-альні департаменти, до повнова-жень яких належить розслідуваннякорупційних правопорушень. Визна-чено, що наразі процес створеннясистеми антикорупційних органівтакож триває в Республіці Вірме-нія та Республіці Молдова.
