Suchergebnisse

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol.

The aim of the article is to present the role of the armed forces in peacebuilding on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the relative lack of interest of Polish researchers in building peace, in the first part of the article the author presents the theoretical issues of the discussed problem. Peacebuilding is carried out in the countries that are not stable, which may bring about internal conflicts. The destabilization of a given country may pose a threat to the entire region, which is why it is important to involve international organizations in building peace. It seems that the role of the armed forces seems to be important in the above process. However, the research has shown that the armed forces are not in each case a sufficient tool in the process of building peace. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie roli sił zbrojnych w procesie budowania pokoju na przykładzie Bośni i Hercegowiny. Z względu wciąż niewystarczający poziom zainteresowania polskich badaczy zagadnieniem budowy pokoju, Autorka w pierwszej części artykułu przybliży kwestie teoretyczne omawianego zagadnienia. Budowanie pokoju ma miejsce w państwach, które nie są stabilne, co może powodować wybuch wewnętrznego konfliktu. Destabilizacja danego państwa może powodować zagrożenie dla całego regionu. Dlatego istotne w procesie budowania pokoju jest zaangażowanie organizacji międzynarodowych. W myśl powyższego, bardzo ważna w omawianym procesie zdaje się być rola sił zbrojnych. Przeprowadzone przez Autorkę badania uprawniają ją do stwierdzenia, że nie w każdym przypadku siły zbrojne są wystarczającym narzędziem procesu budowania pokoju.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

The article discusses the experience of creation of peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo and East Timor with the use of comparative method. It also raises the role of international and regional actors in post-conflict peacebuilding. The author presents some practical solutions for the implementation of the effective peace process in eastern Ukraine, aimed at the reintegration of temporarily occupied territories.

In 2015, global public opinion was shaken by the migration crisis, as wave after wave of refugees from the Middle East, primarily from Syria, tried to get from Turkey and Greece to Western Europe via the so-called 'Balkan Route'. In time, the situation only seemed to be resolved. In the Balkan countries, there still are, according to estimates, tens of thousands of migrants who failed to get farther west, and more are constantly arriving. Meanwhile, since 2018, one can speak of a new, though a much smaller wave of immigrants who are trying to get from Greece to Croatia (and thus to the European Union), increasingly often bypassing Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina along the way. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the phenomenon of the so-called 'New Balkan Route' and the problems it creates for the Balkans.

The aim of this paper is to check how the different "starting" level to the market economy in 1990 and a different pace of economic reform introduction affect the level of development and use of communication infrastructure in former European socialist countries in 1999. In their analysis, the Authors have used six variables, as well as multifeature and monofeature classifications, and ranking. Four groups of countries with differentiated level of communication development have been distinguished: Slovenia and Estonia (relatively well developed communication); Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Bulgaria (distinguished by good accessibility to telephones); Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine (the most visible feature is a low number of telephone connections and a small number of hosts); Albania (with a very low level of communication development). As the result of ranking, the countries have been ordered from the countries that have the best conditions and abilities of their inhabitants' communication to the countries with the weakest conditions. The best situation in this respect is in the wealthy Slovenia, and Estonia that intensively co-operates with the Scandinavian countries. The second group comprises the remaining two of the wealthiest communities in the region: the Czech Republic and Hungary. The worst developed is communication in the countries that quite recently have been inflicted by acts of war, or their governments have not started fast economic reforms (Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Ukraine, Romania, Belarus, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Albania). The medium developed countries compose the last group, including Bulgaria, Slovakia, Croatia, Poland, Latvia, and Lithuania. These all countries are the ones that potentially could belong to the first or the second group, with a high level of communication development, but during the last decade a mistake was made somewhere. In Poland, such a mistake is the inconsistent policy of consecutive governments that have not carried out the actual demonopolisation of the market of telephone services and access to Internet. ; Marcin Polom

The years 1903-1914 should be considered as the most interesting period in the activity of the great powers states in South-East Europe and Near East for a few reasons discussed below. In the final period of the formation of the antagonistic military-political alliances in Europe, the so called "Concert of Europe" mainly showed a great interest in maintaining the status quo and preventing any conflicts which could occupy their attention. These states also focused on Turkey and especially on its European dominion. As a result, they jointly conducted reforms in Macedonia or tried to prevent the outbreak of war between the High Porte and the Balkan allies in 1912. At the same time, the powers did not stop their endeavors to realize their own political or economic aims at the cost of Turkey (e.g. the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungary in 1908, the occupation of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by Italy in 1911). Their aim was to eliminate the influences and block the initiative of their competitors. ; The years 1903-1914 should be considered as the most interesting period in the activity of the great powers states in South-East Europe and Near East for a few reasons discussed below. In the final period of the formation of the antagonistic military-political alliances in Europe, the so called "Concert of Europe" mainly showed a great interest in maintaining the status quo and preventing any conflicts which could occupy their attention. These states also focused on Turkey and especially on its European dominion. As a result, they jointly conducted reforms in Macedonia or tried to prevent the outbreak of war between the High Porte and the Balkan allies in 1912. At the same time, the powers did not stop their endeavors to realize their own political or economic aims at the cost of Turkey (e.g. the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungary in 1908, the occupation of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by Italy in 1911). Their aim was to eliminate the influences and block the initiative of their competitors.

The aim of this paper is to make an overarching evaluation by looking at historical policy of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) in Bosnia and Herzegowina at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and trying to (analytically) examine the main directions of this policy. Therefore paper will try to focus on the major historical figures and trying to analytically to indicate the reasons of the revival the Ottoman traditions in the public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering this issue I wonder what events and historical figures were promoted and which were censored by Bosnian politicians. What role in Bosnian historical politics was played by Srebrenica and the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. The results of these studies indicate that it was primarily the conflict in Yugoslavia that contributed to the revival of Ottoman traditions among Bosnian Muslims. Only after the war did the historical policy gain institutional support and help the ruling party mobilize the electorate. Since then, the pillar of historical policy has become the martyrdom of the nation, the Ottoman past as well as the cult of the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. Also, the authorities aimed to convince the inhabitants of Bosnia that in their lives the period of communist Yugoslavia brought many negative consequences. This pejorative image was supported in the mass media and education.

The primary purpose of this article is to explain the meaning and consequences of foreign fighters' participation from Western Balkan countries (WB6) in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq. In the first part, the issue of foreign fighters is discussed in historical terms. The author focuses on the examples of the Soviet inva-sion of Afghanistan and the ethno-religious conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second part of the text, the definition framework of foreign fighters' concept and its evolution towards foreign terrorist-fighters is dis-cussed. Then, a detailed analysis of the main problem is conducted, and several research questions are an-swered: 1) What is the scale of the phenomenon of Balkan volunteers (e.g., their number, the structure of origin, and others) in comparison to fighters from other regions? 2) What are their motivations and goals, and what are their recruitment process and ways of moving into the war zone? 3) What is the threat posed by returning fight-ers to the security of the Western Balkans, and how do individual states counteract this phenomenon? The au-thor uses mainly the following research methods: critical content analysis (literature, scientific articles, docu-ments, reports, press materials), and historical and comparative analysis. The author's visits to this country in 2018-2020 constituted an essential contribution to the part concerning the case of Kosovo.

Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relations of these two states and Turkish foreign policy towards Serbia, a country currently perceived as a 'neighbour,' despite the fact that they do not share common border. The paper argues that rapprochement of two countries, so clearly visible in several dimensions after 2002, marks a new phase in Turkey's general foreign policy. The paper will trace the thirty-year evolution of bilateral contacts while arguing that the current positive relations have their source also in the domestic arena, both of Turkey and Serbia, which is willing to increase influence in the Western Balkans and institutionalise her international position. Thus, the two states for the first time share similar foreign policy goals. The whole analysis is theoretically anchored in the behavioural approach of the 'middle power' paradigm. An author-applied qualitative content analysis is the main research technique. The main sources are official documents, selected monographs, academic articles, and analytical reports.

This paper presents a quantitative and qualitative measurement of the components of Europeanisation ad extra in the EU civilian mission in Bosnia and Hercegovina from 2003-2012. The study aims to show that Europeanisation ad extra affects third countries to a certain extent and it is thus a form of exporting the European organisational, normative, and axiological model. The exploration relates to a completed civil mission. For the needs of this study, the Author generated two basic indicators; one quantitative and one qualitative, and used them as tools for synthesising and categorising the studied area, based on the assumption that, in this way, it will be possible to measure the intensity of the Europeanisation process in the external trajectory (ad extra). The analysis of the quantitative and qualitative indices shows the number of activities in the area of security carried out in the framework of the civilian missions in question. As evidenced by these indicators, the export of European norms, values, solutions, and practices is more likely to succeed for the Balkans than for other continents where EU civilian missions are deployed. Measurement of the Europeanisation ad extra, taking the example of Bosnia and Hercegovina, proves that in its expeditionary policy, the European Union has a significant impact on third countries through transferring European standards in various areas of security such as social or axiological.

SCIENTIFIC OBJECTIVE: The main research goal of these considerations is to determine in which of the Post Yugoslav countries it was decided to declare a state of emergency during time of deadly COVID-19 pandemic. PROBLEM AND RESEARCH METHODS: The state of emergency is created to protect: the security of citizens, the state system, public order. During the state of emergency, the proportions between human rights and the powers of the state change - in favour of state authorities. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, not all Post Yugoslav governments have declared a state of emergency. The following countries did so: Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia and Kosovo. In each of these countries, the declaration of a state of emergency was associated with political disputes. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article consists of an introduction in which the choice of the research topic was justified and the essence of the state of emergency was established. In the next four points, attention was drawn to the response to COVID-19 only to those Yugoslavian states (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia, Kosovo) in which a state of emergency was declared. RESEARCH RESULTS: Only in four out of seven Yugoslavian states the state of emergency was declared. In case of Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Kosovo, scheduled parliamentary election was postponed, for each of the countries it caused sharp political disputes, and in the case of Northern Macedonia the escalation of the conflict caused the resignation of the government. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The issues discussed are innovative, so far not discussed in the political literature. The question that remains intriguing is why not all governments in case of such a dangerous pandemic for human health and life as COVID-19 have not decided to declare a state of emergency. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Naczelnym celem badawczym niniejszych rozważań jest ustalenie, w których z państw pojugosłowiańskich w obliczu śmiercionośnej pandemii COVID-19 zdecydowano się na ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Stan wyjątkowy ma chronić: bezpieczeństwo obywateli, ustrój państwa, porządek publiczny. W okresie stanu wyjątkowego zmieniają się proporcje między prawami człowieka a uprawnieniami państwa – na korzyść władz państwowych. W obliczy pandemii COVID-19 nie wszystkie rządy państw pojugosłowiańskich ogłosiły stan wyjątkowy. Zrobiły to: Serbia, Bośnia i Hercegowina, Macedonia Północna oraz Kosowo. W przypadku każdego z wymienionych państw ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego wiązało się ze sporami politycznymi, dzieląc zarówno gremia polityków, jak i społeczeństwo. Spór toczył się głównie wokół przesunięcia terminu wyborów parlamentarnych Artykuł powstał przy wykorzystaniu metod badawczych właściwych dla dyscypliny nauki o polityce i administracji: case stady (wąskie ujęcie), analizy źródeł pierwotnych i metody komparatystycznej PROCES WYWODU: Artykuł składa się z wprowadzenia, w którym uzasadniono wybór tematu badawczego i ustalono istotę stanu wyjątkowego. W czterech kolejnych punktach zwrócona została uwaga na reakcję na COVID-19 tylko tych państwa pojugosłowiańskich (Serbię, Bośnię i Hercegowinę, Macedonię Północną, Kosowo), w których ogłoszono stan wyjątkowy. W rekapitulacji dokonano podsumowania, akcentując konflikty, które wynikły z ogłoszenia stanu wyjątkowego w państwach poddanych analizie. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Tylko w czterech spośród siedmiu państw pojugosłowiańskich ogłoszony został stany wyjątkowy. W Serbii, Macedonii Północnej i Kosowie przesunięte zostały wyznaczone kalendarzem wyborczym wybory parlamentarne, w przypadku każdego z tych państw wywołało to ostre spory polityczne, a w Macedonii Północnej wzbudzona na tym tle eskalacja konfliktu spowodowała dymisję rządu. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Omawiana problematyka jest innowacyjna, jak dotąd nie została przedstawiona w politologicznej literaturze przedmiotu. Intrygującym pozostaje pytanie, dlaczego nie wszystkie rządy państw (nie tylko pojugosłowiańskich) w obliczu tak groźnej dla zdrowia i życia ludzkiego pandemii, jaką jest COVID-19, nie zdecydowały się na ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego, który nadrzędne akty prawne (konstytucja) zwykły gwarantować.