Suchergebnisse

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol.

Investigated the problems of periodization of the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1996-2012. The changes in the political structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina are not provided Dayton Peace Agreement. ; Исследованы проблемы периодизации истории Боснии и Герцеговины в 1996-2012 гг. Рассмотрены изменения в политической структуре Боснии и Герцеговины, не предусмотренные Дейтонскими мирными соглашениями. ; Досліджено проблеми періодизації історії Боснії і Герцеговини у 1996-2012 рр. Розглянуто зміни в політичній структурі Боснії і Герцеговині, не передбачені Дейтонськими мирними угодами.

The aim of the article is to present the role of the armed forces in peacebuilding on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the relative lack of interest of Polish researchers in building peace, in the first part of the article the author presents the theoretical issues of the discussed problem. Peacebuilding is carried out in the countries that are not stable, which may bring about internal conflicts. The destabilization of a given country may pose a threat to the entire region, which is why it is important to involve international organizations in building peace. It seems that the role of the armed forces seems to be important in the above process. However, the research has shown that the armed forces are not in each case a sufficient tool in the process of building peace. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie roli sił zbrojnych w procesie budowania pokoju na przykładzie Bośni i Hercegowiny. Z względu wciąż niewystarczający poziom zainteresowania polskich badaczy zagadnieniem budowy pokoju, Autorka w pierwszej części artykułu przybliży kwestie teoretyczne omawianego zagadnienia. Budowanie pokoju ma miejsce w państwach, które nie są stabilne, co może powodować wybuch wewnętrznego konfliktu. Destabilizacja danego państwa może powodować zagrożenie dla całego regionu. Dlatego istotne w procesie budowania pokoju jest zaangażowanie organizacji międzynarodowych. W myśl powyższego, bardzo ważna w omawianym procesie zdaje się być rola sił zbrojnych. Przeprowadzone przez Autorkę badania uprawniają ją do stwierdzenia, że nie w każdym przypadku siły zbrojne są wystarczającym narzędziem procesu budowania pokoju.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of legal status and leading directions of activity of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine. The specifics of the procedure for their appointment, admission and grounds for the release of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine are characterized. It has been proved that the current scientific discourse gives a proper place to such issues as the peculiarities of the legal status and the specifics of the activity of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine. Particular attention is paid to considering the requirements imposed by the national legislation of Ukraine on persons intending to be honorary consuls of foreign states. An important place in the article is given to the analysis of privileges and immunities which honorary consuls enjoy while in office. The grounds for the release of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine are analyzed. It is noted that the decision to terminate the powers of the Honorary Consul of a foreign state in Ukraine is made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and communicated to the accrediting State. The characteristic of the process of organizing the work of honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine is provided. In particular, honorary consuls of foreign states in Ukraine have the right to appoint employees of their institution at their own discretion and should take care of creating the proper conditions for the functioning of the honorary consulate. In this context, a certain amount of attention is paid to the consideration of the means necessary for the honorary consul of foreign states to perform the functions entrusted to them. As a matter of priority, the Honorary Consuls should have appropriate premises at their disposal which they may purchase or lease to exercise their powers. The peculiarities and leading directions of activity of the honorary consulates of foreign states in Ukraine at the present stage are characterized. Characterization of the general functions performed by honorary consulates of foreign countries in Ukraine is given. It is established that it is the Honorable Consulates that can effectively perform the functions of the link between the states in the absence of permanent diplomatic and consular establishments (on the example of the Honorary Consulate of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Ukraine). The complex of functions, the implementation of which is entrusted to honorary consulates in Ukraine such states as Israel, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lithuania, Slovakia, the Federative Republic of Brazil, is described. In particular, the functions of the Honorary Consulate of Bosnia and Herzegovina, located in Kyiv, are as follows: Assistance to officials of Bosnia and Herzegovina during their visit to Ukraine; taking care of and assistance to the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina living on the territory of Ukraine; promotion of tourism to Bosnia and Herzegovina; informing the relevant institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina about the developments and events in various spheres in the host country (especially on trade and economic opportunities); providing objective and comprehensive information on the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina upon requests in the host country. The leading directions of functioning of the Honorary Consulate of the State of Israel on the territory of Western Ukraine are considered. It is established that at the present stage, its employees are focused on the following tasks: restoration of investment attractiveness of the specified region, assistance to Ukrainian businessmen entering the market of Israel, implementation of joint projects in the field of security, intensification of cooperation in the field of information technologies, cooperation in the sphere of energy saving. The role of honorary consulates in the process of developing transfrontier co-operation and supporting the national minorities that are compactly residing in the border areas is emphasized. Exactly for this purpose the Honorary Consulate of Slovakia was opened in a village Great Berezne, located near the Ukrainian-Slovak border, whose powers extend to the Transcarpathian and Ivano-Frankivsk regions. A significant place in the article is given to the description of the implementation of the information function by the honorary consulates of foreign states and the function of maintaining and developing relations in the cultural sphere, as far as honorary consulates are also subjects of the implementation of cultural diplomacy. In particular, in March 2018 an exhibition of paintings by the members of the National Union of Artists of Ukraine with the symbolic name "Bridges" was opened at the premises of the Honorary Consulate of the Czech Republic in Uzhgorod, which should demonstrate the prospect of Ukraine's unification with the European Union. ; Статья посвящена исследованию особенностей правового статуса и ведущих направлений деятельности почетных консульств иностранных государств в Украине. Охарактеризована специфика процедуры назначения, допуска и основания для увольнения почетных консулов в Украине. Особое внимание уделено практике функционирования почетных консульств таких государств как Израиль, Литовская Республика, Босния и Герцеговина на территории Украины на современном этапе. Исследован комплекс функций, выполнение которых возлагается на почетные консульства иностранных государств в Украине. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню особливостей правового статусу та провідних напрямків діяльності почесних консульств іноземних держав в Україні. Охарактеризовано специфіку процедури призначення, допущення та підстави для звільнення почесних консулів іноземних держав в Україні. Значну увагу приділено аналізу практики функціонування почесних консульств таких держав як Ізраїль, Литовська Республіка, Боснія і Герцеговина на території України на сучасному етапі. Досліджений комплекс функцій, здійснення яких покладається на почесні консульства іноземних держав в Україні.

The article discusses the experience of creation of peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo and East Timor with the use of comparative method. It also raises the role of international and regional actors in post-conflict peacebuilding. The author presents some practical solutions for the implementation of the effective peace process in eastern Ukraine, aimed at the reintegration of temporarily occupied territories.

In the article aspects of becoming and development of the electoral and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina are considered. Influences of the electoral system on adjusting of ethnic conflicts in a country are analyzed. ; В статье рассмотрены аспекты становления и развития избирательной и политической системы Боснии и Герцеговины. Проанализировано влияние избирательной системы на регулирование этнических конфликтов в стране. ; В статті розглянуті аспекти становлення та розвитку виборчої та політичної системи Боснії і Герцеговини. Проаналізовано вплив виборчої системи на регулювання етнічних конфліктів в країні.

In 2015, global public opinion was shaken by the migration crisis, as wave after wave of refugees from the Middle East, primarily from Syria, tried to get from Turkey and Greece to Western Europe via the so-called 'Balkan Route'. In time, the situation only seemed to be resolved. In the Balkan countries, there still are, according to estimates, tens of thousands of migrants who failed to get farther west, and more are constantly arriving. Meanwhile, since 2018, one can speak of a new, though a much smaller wave of immigrants who are trying to get from Greece to Croatia (and thus to the European Union), increasingly often bypassing Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina along the way. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the phenomenon of the so-called 'New Balkan Route' and the problems it creates for the Balkans.

The aim of this paper is to check how the different "starting" level to the market economy in 1990 and a different pace of economic reform introduction affect the level of development and use of communication infrastructure in former European socialist countries in 1999. In their analysis, the Authors have used six variables, as well as multifeature and monofeature classifications, and ranking. Four groups of countries with differentiated level of communication development have been distinguished: Slovenia and Estonia (relatively well developed communication); Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Bulgaria (distinguished by good accessibility to telephones); Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine (the most visible feature is a low number of telephone connections and a small number of hosts); Albania (with a very low level of communication development). As the result of ranking, the countries have been ordered from the countries that have the best conditions and abilities of their inhabitants' communication to the countries with the weakest conditions. The best situation in this respect is in the wealthy Slovenia, and Estonia that intensively co-operates with the Scandinavian countries. The second group comprises the remaining two of the wealthiest communities in the region: the Czech Republic and Hungary. The worst developed is communication in the countries that quite recently have been inflicted by acts of war, or their governments have not started fast economic reforms (Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Ukraine, Romania, Belarus, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Albania). The medium developed countries compose the last group, including Bulgaria, Slovakia, Croatia, Poland, Latvia, and Lithuania. These all countries are the ones that potentially could belong to the first or the second group, with a high level of communication development, but during the last decade a mistake was made somewhere. In Poland, such a mistake is the inconsistent policy of consecutive governments that have not carried out the actual demonopolisation of the market of telephone services and access to Internet. ; Marcin Polom

The years 1903-1914 should be considered as the most interesting period in the activity of the great powers states in South-East Europe and Near East for a few reasons discussed below. In the final period of the formation of the antagonistic military-political alliances in Europe, the so called "Concert of Europe" mainly showed a great interest in maintaining the status quo and preventing any conflicts which could occupy their attention. These states also focused on Turkey and especially on its European dominion. As a result, they jointly conducted reforms in Macedonia or tried to prevent the outbreak of war between the High Porte and the Balkan allies in 1912. At the same time, the powers did not stop their endeavors to realize their own political or economic aims at the cost of Turkey (e.g. the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungary in 1908, the occupation of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by Italy in 1911). Their aim was to eliminate the influences and block the initiative of their competitors. ; The years 1903-1914 should be considered as the most interesting period in the activity of the great powers states in South-East Europe and Near East for a few reasons discussed below. In the final period of the formation of the antagonistic military-political alliances in Europe, the so called "Concert of Europe" mainly showed a great interest in maintaining the status quo and preventing any conflicts which could occupy their attention. These states also focused on Turkey and especially on its European dominion. As a result, they jointly conducted reforms in Macedonia or tried to prevent the outbreak of war between the High Porte and the Balkan allies in 1912. At the same time, the powers did not stop their endeavors to realize their own political or economic aims at the cost of Turkey (e.g. the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungary in 1908, the occupation of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by Italy in 1911). Their aim was to eliminate the influences and block the initiative of their competitors.

The aim of this paper is to make an overarching evaluation by looking at historical policy of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) in Bosnia and Herzegowina at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and trying to (analytically) examine the main directions of this policy. Therefore paper will try to focus on the major historical figures and trying to analytically to indicate the reasons of the revival the Ottoman traditions in the public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering this issue I wonder what events and historical figures were promoted and which were censored by Bosnian politicians. What role in Bosnian historical politics was played by Srebrenica and the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. The results of these studies indicate that it was primarily the conflict in Yugoslavia that contributed to the revival of Ottoman traditions among Bosnian Muslims. Only after the war did the historical policy gain institutional support and help the ruling party mobilize the electorate. Since then, the pillar of historical policy has become the martyrdom of the nation, the Ottoman past as well as the cult of the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. Also, the authorities aimed to convince the inhabitants of Bosnia that in their lives the period of communist Yugoslavia brought many negative consequences. This pejorative image was supported in the mass media and education.

Present article deals with the problem of the evolution of relations between the European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1995. Main guidelines, upon which the policy of the EU towards third countries is based are examined. Drawing on the provisions of the Europeanization theory, the author provides analyses of the concrete results which were achieved by the EU in Bosnia. Giving his assessment of the results of the state-building process in Bosnia which lasted for more than 15 years and which was accompanied by the EU presence, the author concludes that they are unsatisfactory. In his opinion, internal social, political and economic difficulties of the postwar period together with the inconsistency of the EU policy represent principal reasons of the general inefficiency of the external political mechanisms used by the EU in Bosnia. ; Статья посвящена проблеме развития отношений Европейского Союза и Боснии и Герцеговины в период с 1995 года. В ней рассмотрены основные положения, на которых базируется политика ЕС по отношению к третьим странам. Опираясь на положения теории европеизации, автор анализирует конкретные результаты, которых ЕС достиг в Боснии. Оценивая результаты государственного строительства, за более чем 15 лет присутствия ЕС в Боснии и Герцеговине, автор приходит к выводу, что они являются неудовлетворительными. По мнению автора, внутренние социальные, политические и экономические трудности, а также непоследовательностьполитики ЕС, являются главными причинами общей неэффективности внешнеполитических механизмов ЕС в Боснии. ; Стаття присвячена проблемі розвитку відносин Європейського Союзу та Боснії і Герцеговини в період із 1995 року. В ній розглянуті основні засади, на яких базується політика ЄС щодо третіх країн. Спираючись на положення теорії європеїзації, автор аналізує конкретні результати, яких досягнув ЄС в Боснії. Оцінюючи результати державного будівництва за більш ніж 15 років присутності ЄС в Боснії і Герцеговині, автор приходить до висновку, що вони є незадовільними. На думку автора, внутрішні соціальні, політичні та економічні складнощі, разом із непослідовністю політики ЄС є головними причинами загальної неефективності зовнішньополітичних механізмів ЄС в Боснії.

The article comprises analysis of party system, formed after the fi rst multiparty elections in Yugoslavia in 1990. Characterization of party systems in Croatia, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina not only help better understand reasons for the collapse of the Yugoslav federation, but also to reveal causes of inter-ethnic violence on its territory. The main thesis is that the victory of ethnic parties in the fi rst democratic elections determined the development of the Yugoslav nation. ; В статье проанализированы партийные системы, сложившиеся в результате первых многопартийных выборов в СФРЮ в 1990 году. Характеристика партийных систем в Хорватии, Сербии, Боснии и Герцоговине позволяет не только глубже понять причины распада югославской федерации, но и раскрыть предпосылки вспышки межэтнического насилия на ее территории. Обоснован тезис о том, что именно победа этнических партий на первых демократических выборах определила траекторию развития югославских стран. ; У статті проаналізовано партійні системи, що склались в результаті перших багатопартійних виборів у СФРЮ у 1990 році. Характеристика партійних систему Хорватії, Сербії та Боснії і Герцеговини дозволяє не лише глибшезрозуміти причини розпаду югославської федерації, а й розкрити передумови спалаху міжетнічного насильства на її території. Обґрунтовано тезу про те, що саме перемога етнічних партій на перших демократичних виборах визначила траєкторію розвитку югославських країн.