Suchergebnisse

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol.

Секция 1. Современные международные отношения и внешняя политика Республики Беларусь ; Этно-религиозный конфликт в Боснии и Герцеговине, переросший в гражданскую войну 1992–1995 гг., был разрешен благодаря участию в его урегулировании внешних сил. На первых порах главными медиаторами в урегулировании конфликта выступали страны Европейского союза, однако их усилия оказались безрезультатными. Благоприятно на прекращение конфликта повлияло подключение Соединенных Штатов Америки, которые применили принципиально новый подход к ведению переговоров на Балканах. В этой связи, целью работы является оценка первых действий США в конфликте в Боснии и Герцеговине, способствующих заключению мира между сторонами. Объектом исследования является миротворческий процесс на постюгославском пространстве. Предмет исследования – изменения в миротворческого процессе в Боснии и Герцеговине, произошедшие после включения в него США. Рассмотрены промежуточные цели США в урегулировании конфликта в Боснии и Герцеговине, без достижения которых прекратить боевые действия в этой бывшей республике Югославии не представляется возможным. ; The ethno-religious conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which grew into a civil war of 1992-1995, was resolved due to the participation of external actors in its settlement. At the beginning the countries of the European Union were the main mediators in the conflict resolution, but their efforts were unsuccessful. The situation was favorably changed by the connection of the United States of America to this process. USA used a fundamentally new approach to negotiating in the Balkans. In this regard, the aim of the work is to estimate the first US actions in the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina that contribute to peace agreement between the parties involved. The object of research is the peace process in the former Yugoslavia space. The subject of the study is the changes in the peace process in Bosnia and Herzegovina that occurred after the United States joined it. The articles considers the intermediate goals of the United States in resolving the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which contributed to the end of hostilities in this former republic of Yugoslavia.

As a country in transition, Bosnia and Herzegovina is facing many challenges on the road to the European Union, including the creation of a modern and well-organized Customs administration. The author points out that the problem of determining the Customs value is itself emerging as the primary, taking into account that it is in direct relation to thecalculation of indirect taxes and the influx of revenue in the budget. The author found the challenge for research study in this area, among other things, in the fact that, although themethods for determining the Customs value are internationally recognized rules, national legislation as well as the extensive experience, Сustoms officials are often helpless and donot have a quality and a clear answer in some cases.Using the WTO Valuation Agreement, the WCO instruments and tools as well as many years of experience of the author in the Сustoms administration, an attempt was made to contribute to a better understanding of the institute. Additional analysis of national legislation in the field of Customs value by the research exposes the current situation in the practice, giving concrete examples that follow certain problems and possible options for overcoming them.Based on the above, he put forward proposals and suggestions that would lead tobetter and more comprehensive approach to the determination of the Customs value, such as the difficulties faced daily Сustoms authorities of B&H related to the undervaluation of goods from Asia and the lack of documentation, the problem of obtaining information on the basis of international agreement, the subsequent control in customs procedures, human resources, the discretionary powers of Сustoms officers, database (risk management), court decisions and the international exchange of information on Customs valuation.To discuss fully the key subject, the author used the following scientific methods: analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization.Finally, the author concludes that the customs value is a rare area for which it can be argued that any decision made regarding the subject topic, taking into account international regulations and national legislation, could always be different. The responsibility for finding an adequate balance in each case, taking into account the rights and obligations of the Сustoms administration, on the one hand and economic entity, on the other hand is always imperative. ; Босния и Герцеговина как страна с переходной экономикой сталкивается со многими проблемами на своём пути к Европейскому Союзу, в том числе существуют проблемы с модернизацией таможенной службы. Автор говорит о проблеме определения таможенной стоимости как о первоочередной задаче в таможенном деле, так как верное определение таможенной стоимости напрямую зависит от начисления налогов и их поступлений в бюджет государства. В ходе изучения вопроса автор выяснил, что, несмотря на существующие как в международном, так и в национальном законодательстве методы определения таможенной стоимости, а акже накопленный опыт, сотрудники таможенных органов часто испытывают сложности при определении таможенной стоимости.Принимая во внимание Соглашение Всемирной торговой организации (ВТО) по таможенной оценке товаров, инструменты и методы Всемирной таможенной организации (ВТамО), а также многолетний опыт работы в таможенных органах, автор исследования представил принципы работы новосозданного института.Анализ национального законодательства в сфере определения таможенной стоимости отображает текущую ситуацию на практике; автор приводит конкретные примеры, в которых чётко определены проблемы, и предлагает возможные варианты их решения.Исходя из вышеизложенного, автор выдвинул ряд рекомендаций и предложений, а именно: применение комплексного подхода при определении таможенной стоимости, что также поможет преодолеть трудности, с которыми сталкивается таможенная служба Боснии и Герцеговины. К таким проблемам авторотносит следующие: товары с заниженной стоимостью из Азии; отсутствие полного пакета документов; трудности при получении информации на основании международного соглашения; сложности с пост-аудитом; проблемы с кадровым потенциалом; дискреционные полномочия сотрудников таможенной службы; база данных в управлении рисками; судебные решения и международный обмен информацией касательно определения таможенной стоимости. Чтобы максимально раскрыть главную идею, автором были использованы следующие научные методы: анализ, синтез, сравнение, обобщение.В заключении автор приходит к выводу о том, что определение таможенной стоимости относится к такой сфере, для которой любое решение, принятое с учетом международных норм и национального законодательства, может всегда быть оспоренным. Всегда важна ответственность за принятие решения в каждом отдельном случае, принимая во внимание права и обязанности сотрудников таможенной службы, с одной стороны, и субъекта экономической деятельности, с другой стороны.

The aim of the article is to present the role of the armed forces in peacebuilding on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the relative lack of interest of Polish researchers in building peace, in the first part of the article the author presents the theoretical issues of the discussed problem. Peacebuilding is carried out in the countries that are not stable, which may bring about internal conflicts. The destabilization of a given country may pose a threat to the entire region, which is why it is important to involve international organizations in building peace. It seems that the role of the armed forces seems to be important in the above process. However, the research has shown that the armed forces are not in each case a sufficient tool in the process of building peace. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie roli sił zbrojnych w procesie budowania pokoju na przykładzie Bośni i Hercegowiny. Z względu wciąż niewystarczający poziom zainteresowania polskich badaczy zagadnieniem budowy pokoju, Autorka w pierwszej części artykułu przybliży kwestie teoretyczne omawianego zagadnienia. Budowanie pokoju ma miejsce w państwach, które nie są stabilne, co może powodować wybuch wewnętrznego konfliktu. Destabilizacja danego państwa może powodować zagrożenie dla całego regionu. Dlatego istotne w procesie budowania pokoju jest zaangażowanie organizacji międzynarodowych. W myśl powyższego, bardzo ważna w omawianym procesie zdaje się być rola sił zbrojnych. Przeprowadzone przez Autorkę badania uprawniają ją do stwierdzenia, że nie w każdym przypadku siły zbrojne są wystarczającym narzędziem procesu budowania pokoju.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

The Bosnian Crisis became a milestone in the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia. An important role in the development and settlement of the conflict was played by external actors, represented both by the countries of the West, as well as NATO and the EU, and by the Muslim community, which actively supported their co-religionists in Bosnia. On behalf of the latter, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC, since 2011 — the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), which is the most authoritative and representative Muslim international organization, spoke. The position of the OIC, its interaction with the Bosnian leadership and other parties to the conflict significantly influenced the outcome of the Bosnian Crisis, despite the fact that most researchers tend to classify the OIC as a secondary participant in the process. The topic of the Bosnian conflict became one of the key ones at several conferences of foreign ministers of the OIC member countries, and the consolidated position of Muslim states developed at them in support of the Bosnians, according to the authors, prompted other stakeholders in the issue of resolving the conflict to more decisive action. The organization itself pursued the goal of including Bosnia and Herzegovina in its sphere of influence, but in the future this Balkan state will never become a member of the OIC, being content with observer status to this day. Nevertheless, the impact of international Islamic structures and, above all, the OIC on the course of hostilities and the political settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a significant factor that retained its significance in the post-war period. Thus, the study of the history of interaction between the OIC and the Bosnian side seems relevant in order to identify the role and influence of the Islamic world on political processes in the Western Balkans and, above all, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; Боснийский кризис стал рубежным этапом в процессе дезинтеграции Югославии. Важную роль в развертывании и урегулировании конфликта ...

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

The article discusses the experience of creation of peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo and East Timor with the use of comparative method. It also raises the role of international and regional actors in post-conflict peacebuilding. The author presents some practical solutions for the implementation of the effective peace process in eastern Ukraine, aimed at the reintegration of temporarily occupied territories.

In 2015, global public opinion was shaken by the migration crisis, as wave after wave of refugees from the Middle East, primarily from Syria, tried to get from Turkey and Greece to Western Europe via the so-called 'Balkan Route'. In time, the situation only seemed to be resolved. In the Balkan countries, there still are, according to estimates, tens of thousands of migrants who failed to get farther west, and more are constantly arriving. Meanwhile, since 2018, one can speak of a new, though a much smaller wave of immigrants who are trying to get from Greece to Croatia (and thus to the European Union), increasingly often bypassing Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina along the way. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the phenomenon of the so-called 'New Balkan Route' and the problems it creates for the Balkans.

The aim of this paper is to check how the different "starting" level to the market economy in 1990 and a different pace of economic reform introduction affect the level of development and use of communication infrastructure in former European socialist countries in 1999. In their analysis, the Authors have used six variables, as well as multifeature and monofeature classifications, and ranking. Four groups of countries with differentiated level of communication development have been distinguished: Slovenia and Estonia (relatively well developed communication); Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Bulgaria (distinguished by good accessibility to telephones); Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine (the most visible feature is a low number of telephone connections and a small number of hosts); Albania (with a very low level of communication development). As the result of ranking, the countries have been ordered from the countries that have the best conditions and abilities of their inhabitants' communication to the countries with the weakest conditions. The best situation in this respect is in the wealthy Slovenia, and Estonia that intensively co-operates with the Scandinavian countries. The second group comprises the remaining two of the wealthiest communities in the region: the Czech Republic and Hungary. The worst developed is communication in the countries that quite recently have been inflicted by acts of war, or their governments have not started fast economic reforms (Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Ukraine, Romania, Belarus, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Albania). The medium developed countries compose the last group, including Bulgaria, Slovakia, Croatia, Poland, Latvia, and Lithuania. These all countries are the ones that potentially could belong to the first or the second group, with a high level of communication development, but during the last decade a mistake was made somewhere. In Poland, such a mistake is the inconsistent policy of consecutive governments that have not carried out the actual demonopolisation of the market of telephone services and access to Internet. ; Marcin Polom

The years 1903-1914 should be considered as the most interesting period in the activity of the great powers states in South-East Europe and Near East for a few reasons discussed below. In the final period of the formation of the antagonistic military-political alliances in Europe, the so called "Concert of Europe" mainly showed a great interest in maintaining the status quo and preventing any conflicts which could occupy their attention. These states also focused on Turkey and especially on its European dominion. As a result, they jointly conducted reforms in Macedonia or tried to prevent the outbreak of war between the High Porte and the Balkan allies in 1912. At the same time, the powers did not stop their endeavors to realize their own political or economic aims at the cost of Turkey (e.g. the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungary in 1908, the occupation of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by Italy in 1911). Their aim was to eliminate the influences and block the initiative of their competitors. ; The years 1903-1914 should be considered as the most interesting period in the activity of the great powers states in South-East Europe and Near East for a few reasons discussed below. In the final period of the formation of the antagonistic military-political alliances in Europe, the so called "Concert of Europe" mainly showed a great interest in maintaining the status quo and preventing any conflicts which could occupy their attention. These states also focused on Turkey and especially on its European dominion. As a result, they jointly conducted reforms in Macedonia or tried to prevent the outbreak of war between the High Porte and the Balkan allies in 1912. At the same time, the powers did not stop their endeavors to realize their own political or economic aims at the cost of Turkey (e.g. the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungary in 1908, the occupation of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by Italy in 1911). Their aim was to eliminate the influences and block the initiative of their competitors.