Suchergebnisse

The authors of the paper have been studing the electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the formal rules define the behavior of parties, politicians and citizens. In the first part of the hypothesis is tested whether the institutional design of Bosnia and Herzegovina contributes to the strengthening of democracy and its consolidation. We discuss the key dilemmas and challenges of the Constitution of BiH, as well as the electoral system where we've provided concrete examples of electoral engineering. In the second part of the paper the authors state the causes and consequences of electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where attention is given to the institutional design. The aim is to point out the necessary reforms of the electoral system, which is expected to reduce ethnic conflicts, the creation of democratic accountability, solving social problems, strengthening the will and confidence of voters, as well as increasing women's quota in institutions. At the end of the work we point out the solutions, with the intention that the work will serve and contribute the scientific knowledge of institutional design in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

309Human rights — Responsibility of States — Transfer of individuals to custody of other State — Whether transferring State responsible for subsequent treatment of individuals — Torture — Capital punishment — Whether transferring State required to seek assurances from other State prior to transfer — Circumstances in which real risk of torture or other inhuman or degrading treatment to be presumed — Transfer of individuals in Bosnia and Herzegovina to United States forces — Subsequent transfer to Guantanamo BayHuman rights — Liberty and security — Arbitrary detention — Pre-trial detention — Court ordering release — Transfer of detainees to custody of other State after order for release — Other State subsequently holding detainees — Whether engaging responsibility of transferring StateHuman rights — Fair trial — Presumption of innocence — Limits — Administrative decisions taken on basis of prosecutionStates — Federal States — Whether actions of component of federation engaging responsibility of national authorities — The law of Bosnia and Herzegovina

In the age of globalisation, the foreign funding of mosques has become widespread in many countries worldwide. Bosnia and Herzegovina is no exception to the rule, and the post-war - and still ongoing - (re)construction process there has been accompanied by many foreign donations, in line with different forms of "mosque geopolitics" depending on the donor country. As a great number of mosques were destroyed during the Bosnian war of 1992-1995, the post-war period has inevitably required a vital reconstruction process. New needs for places of worship, caused by the nationwide war-related displacement of Bosnian Muslims, have been met by the construction of new mosques. In a relatively poor country like Bosnia and Herzegovina, the influx of foreign funds has been called for and welcomed by many Bosnian Muslim congregations. Western nations have lagged behind during this (re)construction process, while the task of helping financially with mosques has been taken over by several "friendly Islamic countries," among them were most prominently Iran, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. But such foreign funding has not been via a top-down process, and in most cases the financial help coming from foreign donors only complements locally generated revenues invested in the (re)construction, restoration, and renovation of each Bosnian mosque. While the short-term impact of this foreign funding is clear albeit not systematic architecturally, the religious one is much more modest.

This article discusses the regular general election hold in Bosnia and Herzegovina (02.10.2022), the course of their electioneering, and the voting results. The analysis reveals the same main actors flashed on the political scene, the same principle collisions repeated, and even the methods of winning victory with the help of nationalist rhetoric remaining unchanged. However, the realignment of political forces has led to a new formula of power both in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and at the national level. The loser was the leading Islamist-nationalist Party of Democratic Action of the Bosniaks, which already bored its Western patrons with its destructive activity. Keeping up with these developments, an assessment of the prospects of the coalition government of Bosnia and Herzegovina formed by 21 political actors is suggested. Among them are the Croatian Democratic Union and the parties blocking with it, the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats with their partners from Republika Srpska and also eight secular Bosnian parties. A significant factor in maintaining the cabinet cohesion is the need to demonstrate to the EU its «cooperation», a sine qua non for Western support and funding. The Federation theoretically could face problems with the losers being able to block the process of authorities formation. However, according to the common understanding, Christian Schmidt, the High Representative of the international community in the country, will not allow this. It can be assumed that under the current international climate (when the Russian Federation is absorbed by the conflict in Ukraine, and Serbia is barely able to withstand Western pressure and the aggravation of the situation in Kosovo), even the allegedly pro-Russian President of the Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik will be forced to take into account new political realities. If Brussels and Washington are smart enough to not push the Serbs «to the limit», the new Bosnia and Herzegovina government will finally have a chance to get down to business and do something useful for their citizens.