Suchergebnisse

Morsko razgraničenje u uvjetima poluzatvorenog mora poput Jadrana uvijek je složeno pitanje. Prvi bilateralni sporazum o granici na moru u Jadranskome moru postignut je već u prvoj etapi u povijesti morskoga razgraničenja, no nakon političkih promjena u početku 1990-ih i povećanja broja obalnih država, potencijalni sustav morskih granica postao je još složeniji nego dotad. U izlaganju se daje pregled razvitka sustava morskih granica, naglašavaju se postojeći granični sporovi te naposljetku vrednuju i mogućnosti rješenja spornih točaka, pod pretpostavkom da sređen sustav morskih granica pridonosi općoj regionalnoj stabilnosti. ; The delimitation of maritime boundaries in semi-closed seas such as Adriatic is always a complex issue. The first bilateral maritime boundary agreement in the Adriatic Sea was reached at an early stage in the history of maritime delimitation, but potential offshore boundary system became more complicated following political changes in the 1990's and increase in the number of coastal states. This paper provides an overview of the development of maritime boundary system in the Adriatic, highlights disputes and remaining problems and evaluates potential solutions to disputes, claiming that completion of maritime boundary system should enhance regional stability.

This is an introduction to a special section of this issue, in which we publish four articles by Croatian scholars of a younger generation who work abroad or have obtained their academic qualifications abroad. By inviting them to participate in the existing community of Croatian political studies scholars, we hope to expand the boundaries of the discipline. In many ways, their articles offer a new perspective in terms of methodology, academic style, conclusions & the choice of topics they focus on. Hence, we should perhaps characterize this effort as being a step towards the emergence of a potentially new generation in the field of Croatian political studies. Adapted from the source document.

This works examines the concept of boundary through the prism of postmodern geopolitics. Through an analysis of theses by eminent authors in this field, the author aims at a synthetic representation and evaluation of the complexity of the globalisation phenomenon, and of the consequences that can be caused by deterritorialisation in the postmodern contextualisation of boundaries and space. Some premature theses regarding the "end of geography" or the states' loss of power in the contemporary world, have promptly been countered by well-founded criticism of the scientific community. The central section of the work inquires into the character of deterritorialisation, and analyses the traps inherent to contemporary research of territory and the geopolitical characteristics thereof. Adapted from the source document.

The EU enlargement to 25 members has significantly changed the political & economic map of the contemporary Europe. EU has become a relevant factor in international relations. At the same time there are certain dilemmas concerning the prospects for the future development & nature of the Union. Considering the fact that the EU geopolitical position has moved eastwards, the author wonders how far the Union might spread towards the East, i.e. where the boundaries of the united Europe might be, & what should be the EU policy towards its Eastern neighbors (Russia, Byelorussia, the Ukraine & Moldova). References. Adapted from the source document.

The text begins with Richard Rorty's assessment that Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions, along with Rawls's A Theory of Justice, is the most important philosophical book written in the English language in the twentieth century. The author endorses this assessment, for it is impossible to think of a work in the fields of philosophy or scientific history which had such a dramatic agitating & inspiring impact on the public for which it was originally not intended. Namely, although Kuhn addressed in his work primarily philosophers & scientists engaged with natural sciences, the work was a source of major & fruitful discussion which involved, or could not be overseen by, anthropologists, sociologists, culturologists, political scientists, philosophers of morality, linguists, legal experts & many others. The author puts forward some of Kuhn's epistemological ideas which were creatively elaborated, reworked & recontextualized by non-epistemologists. The text is divided in two parts. In the first part, the author briefly sketches Kuhn's key concepts expounded in Structure... (paradigm, normal science, revolution). In the second part, he sets forth Richard Bernstein's interpretation of Kuhn's epistemology. The author opts for this interpretation because Bernstein, in his judgment, demonstrated better than any other philosopher that precisely the concept of incommensurability is to be given credit for Kuhn's enormous influence even beyond the boundaries of philosophy & scientific history. Together with Bernstein, the author concludes that incommensurability becomes a first-rate category of political thought due to the fact that it stresses in a conceptually adequate & analytically rigorous fashion the phenomenon of mutual understanding which overrides the imperative of choosing some unique superior scientific theory. Adapted from the source document.

The members of the Czech Senate, the upper chamber of the Czech Parliament, are elected every six years through a two-round majority system in 81 single-seat electoral districts, with one-third of the chamber up for election every two years. District boundaries are set by a law which stipulates they must be modified by amendment if the number of inhabitants in any district diverges more than 15% from the average. Recently, these changes have been carried out every two years shortly before the regular election is announced, and the number of districts affected by changes is gradually increasing. The extent of these changes, however, is usually very small, which makes later changes necessary. During last ten years, many districts have been changed more multiple times. It follows that the Samuels-Snyder index of malapportionment has increased from 0.0289 in 1996 to 0.0346 in 2010. Moreover, during the last electoral cycle, the 15% limit was not in fact observed in four of the 81 districts. Moreover, the criterion chosen for district size is not an optimal one, as it fails to take into account the uneven distribution of minors and foreigners, who do not have voting rights. In fact, the percentage of minors and foreigners in various districts varies in the interval <-2.3%; 2.8%> and <-2.8%; 6.8%>, respectively. This affects the weight of votes in various districts accordingly. Besides the problems with malapportionment, the law does not provide for any prevention of gerrymandering. Although there is no strong evidence of gerrymandering being used so far, at least one attempt in this respect was made in 2008. The article analyzes the law and its outcome and suggests some modifications to the law. Adapted from the source document.

Određivanje granica u Istri je stari pothvat. Ustvari, nije prestao čak ni danas. U posljednjih nekoliko stoljeća granice na istarskom poluotoku doživjele su značajne promjene (posebice nakon propasti Mletačke Republike 1797. godine). No Istra je također zbog prijepora oko teritorija Trsta nadaleko poznata kao jedno od problematičnijih graničnih područja u Europi u poslijeratnom razdoblju. Prema mišljenju autora, ovaj problem je jedan od četiriju glavnih suvremenih graničnih problema između Slovenije i Hrvatske. Ostala tri su Kozlerova granica oko rijeke Dragonje (Rokave), nejasni pojmovi u austrijskim popisima u Istri, te priče o partizanskim naseljima pod vojnom upravom. No postoje i drugi važni aspekti koji su značajno utjecali na razvoj ovoga spora, ali u ovom radu pozornost će biti usmjerena na prije navedene probleme. U skladu s time analiziraju se učinci ishoda spora oko tršćanskog teritorija i njihov utjecaj na suvremene granične probleme. Upozoravanjem na materijalne i psihološke učinke ovoga spora na suvremene bilateralne odnose te njegovom analizom također se otkriva pozadina nikad odgovorenog pitanja – zašto je lingvistička granica oko Rijeke Dragonje (Rokave) koju je predložio Kozler postala granica od nacionalnog značenja. Iako je danas navedena granica često osporavana, teško je očekivati da će obje strane odustati od granice koju je jednom odredio laik. Unatoč snažnim prijeporima u slovenskim javnim medijima vezanim uz pitanje treba li međudržavna granica biti na rijekama Mirni i Dragonji, u radu je utvrđeno da je izbor granice u dolini rijeke Dragonje zapravo slovenski. Argumenti se temelje na opsežnoj analizi kartografskih materijala, relevantne literature, dokumenata i statističkih podataka. ; Boundary-making in Istria is an old undertaking. It has actually never ceasesed, not even today. Istrian peninsula has thus undergone substantial boundary shifts during the last couple of centuries (especially after the Venetian demise in 1797). But Istria carries its worldwide fame also due to one of probably the harshest disputes on the post-war European grounds – the Trieste territory dispute. In author's perspective, this dispute is one of the four main corner-stones of the current Slovenian-Croatian boundary dispute. The remaining three include the Kozler's boundary around Dragonja (Rokava) River, the ungraspable notions of Austrian censuses in Istria, and the narratives of partisan settlements on military jurisdiction. However, there are other very important aspects which significantly shaped the development of the dispute, but we will focus at assessing the importance of the aforementioned ones. In this sense, the analysis of the effects of the outcome of the Trieste dispute and its implications to the contemporary interstate dispute is set forth. By unveiling its material and consequently its psychological effects upon the contemporary bilateral relations, its analyses simultaneously reveals backgrounds of never answered question, why Kozler's proposed linguistic boundary around Dragonja (Rokava) River turned out to become a boundary of national character. Though nowadays disputed, there is absolutely no chance for both involved parties to substantially draw away from once decisively drawn line of a layman. Despite the fierce battle of words in Slovenian public media on whether should the interstate boundary be placed on Mirna (Quieto) or Dragonja Rivers, it will be argued here that the actual choice of the Valley of Dragonja as a boundary is by all means Slovenian. The arguments are based on extensive analyses of cartographic materials, relevant literature, documents, and statistical data.

Mada se bavljenje »pučkim« u kazališnim režijama Marina Carića uglavnom prepoznaje preko njegove dugogodišnje suradnje s Hvarskim pučkim kazalištem, u ovom ću se radu baviti tretmanom pučkog i popularnog, dotičući se fragmenata cjelokupnog redateljskog opusa Marina Carića. I u trenucima kada režira klasike domaće i svjetske dramske književnosti, Carić povezuje teatar i komunu, odnosno zajednicu. Na taj način posredno progovara o premošćivanju granica između popularnog i »elitnog«, o odnosu individualnog i kolektivnog, svjesnog i nesvjesnog, kulturalnog i političkog. ; In this paper I will talk about the treatment of folk theatre and popular theatre in the whole directing work of Marin Carić. When directing classics of local and international literature, Carić connects theatre and commune (community). In that way he speaks about crossing boundaries between popular and elitistic, about relationship between individually and collectively, conscious and unconscious, culture and politics.

The unstoppable advance of technology has brought about major changes at the socio-economic level that affect, among other things, the developments & the changes in the media industry. Technological advances have enabled the emergence of a new multimedia environment that has wiped out the traditional boundaries between telecommunications, audiovisual industry & informatics. These advances have been most propitious for the media pluralism & diversity. Due to the interactivity they enable, the individual is no longer a passive user of the media content. Owing to the accelerated process of the production of contents & services, the media market has become strikingly competitive, & the increasing selection of specialized contents has fragmented audiences, causing a drop in the revenues from advertising. These changes have left their mark both on the commercial media & the public service whose choice of programs has conspicuously changed, while the drop in the size of audiences brings into doubt the legitimacy of the compulsory subscription fee & consequently the financial health ie., survival of this public service. The public broadcasting service is faced with a more pronounced identity crisis. Its future can be secured only if it is redefined or restructured & if a new, convergent, multimedia, interactive public service enables citizens to access a broad range of information, knowledge & entertainment. References. Adapted from the source document.

Nova euroatlanska civilizatorska misija u hrvatskom prostoru objašnjava se nesposobnošću hrvatske političke vlasti da sama upravlja svojim prostorom, s obzirom na unutarnje etničke netrpeljivosti i nejedinstvo te posljedični manjak samosvijesti zbog koje joj je nužna zaštita Europske unije i NATO-a. Sistemska regulacija međudržavnih odnosa u hrvatskom prostoru tako se je ponovno zatekla u škripu hrvatskog identitarnog bipolarizma, koji počiva na dvama naizgled oprečnim hrvatskim idealima (vjerskom i nacionalnom). Stoga se dobiva dojam da dvije hrvatske tendencije, pripadnost oksidentalnoj vjerskoj, ali slavenskoj zajednici naroda, ne mogu djelovati simultano, nego samo naizmjenično. Iako je upravo jednostrana, naizmjenična eksploatacija hrvatskog dualnog identiteta izvor je svih tragedija Hrvata modernog doba. ; The paper deals with the complexity of international relations regulation in the globalization context and in the cramp iron of Croatian identitarian bipolarism, by the systemic method in the path of Edgar Morin's complexity thought. The author proves that insufficient synchronization of the two opposing and complementary identities of the Croatian space, Latin and Slavophilic, is the product of systemic crisis and the producer of identity crisis. An autonomous foreign policy concept that clearly defines the boundaries of the Croatian regulation system within the European and global regulatory regime, as well as the institution of a strong president acting as an external regulator of Croatian identitarian specificity, are key preconditions for the sustainable development of the Croatian space. In the exit period of the current globalisation cycle (1990-2020), the required variation of the Croatian governing system is diminishing, and external threats are more numerous after the mutation of the Anglo-American regulation system, which defines a new direction for the forthcoming globalization cycle. Without increasing the required variation, insufficient regulation of the Croatian space leads to a new general crisis.

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...

The EU Marine Strategy Directive (2008/56/EC) proposes four marine regions as a political geographic framework for implementation of the Community's environmental policy. This study critically analyzes the state-based approach, which the Directive uses to outline the regions' boundaries. It suggests that environmental sustainability of marine odies strongly depends on the geographic congruence between their watersheds and the borders of the respective environmental management system, i.e., marine regions have to be environmentally managed within their watersheds. The proposed watershed-based approach also takes into consideration all elements – water, land, and air – of marine regions, which is a conditio sine qua non for their integrated and sustainable management. In the case of the Black Sea region in particular, the borders of a watershed-based environmental management system include a much wider set of stakeholder countries and enable a higher level of environmental cooperation among them. ; Direktiva marinske strategije Europske unije (2008/56/EC) predlaže četiri marinska područja kao političko geografski okvir za primjenu politike o zaštiti okoliša u Europskoj uniji. Ovaj rad kritički analizira pristup koji se temelji na državnim granicama, a kojim se Direktiva koristi za određivanje granica regija. Autor također smatra da održivost okoliša u marinskim područjima uvelike ovisi o geografskom podudaranju između pojedinih sljevova i granicama njihovih sustava upravljanja okolišem, tj. okolišem u marinskim područjima treba upravljati unutar njihovih sljevova. Predloženi pristup koji se temelji na granicama sljevova također u obzir uzima sve elemente marinskih sustava (voda, zemlja i zrak), koji su conditio sine qua non za integralno i održivo upravljanje. Crno more je dobar primjer u kojem sustav upravljanja okolišem koji je određen granicama slijeva uključuje puno veći broj zemalja dionika te omogućuje višu razinu suradnje među zemljama vezano uz upravljanje okolišem.