Suchergebnisse

Obálka -- Obsah -- Úvod -- I. Kořeny, východiska, zdroje -- 1. Strategický význam Ukrajiny -- 2. Krym v rusko-ukrajinských vztazích -- 3. Vnitřní zdroje ruské agrese -- 4. Ukrajina, ruský svět a eurasijská integrace -- II. Anatomie hybridního válčení -- 5. Anexe Krymu -- 6. Válka na východní Ukrajině -- 7. Zemní plyn jako nástroj hybridní války -- 8. Informace, dezinformace, propaganda -- 9. Utváření vlivových struktur v Evropě: případ Front national ve Francii -- III. Dopady, reakce, třetí aktéři -- 10. Sankční politika EU a USA -- 11. Americká debata o vyzbrojení Ukrajiny -- 12. NATO, ruské menšiny v Pobaltí a "narvský paradox" -- 13. Společenský a politický vývoj na Ukrajině po Revoluci důstojnosti -- 14. Válka, oligarchie a ukrajinský fotbal -- Závěr -- 15. Rusko-ukrajinská válka jako konflikt hodnot -- Summary -- Seznam tabulek a grafů -- Seznam zkratek -- Výběrová bibliografie -- Rejstřík

The article presents selected results from an ethnographic study on the (re)production of gender in the classroom. In this analysis, gender is conceived as a principle manifested in interactions, a principle that structures the lives of individuals and the collective, and not as a complex of essential characteristics of an individual. Gender is analysed in relation to other categories like age and ethnicity. These represent additional re/constructed categories that influence social inequality. These categories tend to be viewed as natural sources of social difference and the legitimisation of inequalities. An analysis of the ways in which these categories are activated in the social fi eld makes it possible to go beyond the boundaries of research on the reifi cation of these categories. In this article, the author shows how these categories intertwine and connect and how the interplay between them is manifested in the behaviour and strategies of various actors, i.e. students, in the classroom.

The transformation of the German armed forces is one of the topics of the current security policy of Germany. The position of the German anned forces has deteriorated in recent years when compared to the situation that existed several decades ago. This fact is reflected in such things as the growth of difficulties with recruitment, increase in the number of young people preferring civilian service to military service accompanied by the growth of the positive evaluation of civilian service, and in particular in dwindling financial resources of Bundeswehr. Despite these tendencies, Bundeswehr is not as yet perceived by German society as an institution a priory incompatible with democracy. The analysis of the reform of German armedforces shows that that the changes in this institution are taking place against the background of trends generating the "revolution in military affairs", even though, naturally, within the boundaries given by the Bundeswehr's limited access to the resources of German society. The German armed forces of the future should be more mobile, with improved capability for strategic lift and strategic reconnaissance, more flexible organizational structure and command, better signals and communication equipment, aha better equipment for automated command. The improvements of the German armedforces are aimed at areas that can help them to increase their effectiveness in missions taking place outside of the territory of Germany, while the capabilities that were in the focus in the past, i.e. the high intensity warfare capability in the battlefield of Central Europe, are currently being scaled down. The only specificity of the reform of the German armed forces in comparison with the reforms taking place in other European countries is the continuation of universal conscription, probably due to the belief of German political -- and partly also military -- elites that universal conscription has democratizing effects. Adapted from the source document.