Suchergebnisse

The Lyons Inquiry into Local Government has introduced the English local government community to the concept of 'place-shaping'. Place-shaping refers to the new role for local governments in promoting the well-being of communities and citizens. The processes of place-shaping are remarkably similar to the processes of nation-building. This paper uses Stein Rokkan's thinking on nation-building in Western Europe to analyse place-shaping. It focuses on the penetration and standardisation processes and underlines the importance of integrating peripheries, defining boundaries, and creating identities. In essence, it is argued that place-shaping is really about the repolitisation of English local authorities.

The Lyons Inquiry into Local Government has introduced the English local government community to the concept of 'place-shaping'. Place-shaping refers to the new role for local governments in promoting the well-being of communities and citizens. The processes of place-shaping are remarkably similar to the processes of nation-building. This paper uses Stein Rokkan's thinking on nation-building in Western Europe to analyse place-shaping. It focuses on the penetration and standardisation processes and underlines the importance of integrating peripheries, defining boundaries, and creating identities. In essence, it is argued that place-shaping is really about the repolitisation of English local authorities.

AbstractRegulating private transactions across international boundaries has long posed a challenge to states. Extraterritoriality—the direct regulation of persons and conduct outside a state's borders—is an increasingly common mechanism by which strong states attempt to manage problems associated with transnational activities. This article seeks to account for variation across issues in the willingness of U.S. courts to regulate extraterritorially by focusing on the potential for external conduct to undermine domestic legal rules. It suggests further how attention to domestic-level regulatory processes, with particular focus on the role of private actors, can shed new light on transnational rulemaking and enforcement.

This paper presents a group of Muslim descendants of Bawean people living in Hồ Chí Minh City who formalized their citizenship status and as a consequence their official ethnic identity. Much current scholarly literature presents state classification as a state's hegemonic instrument, as an instrument of state power alone. This case study balances the widespread view of the contemporary Vietnamese state as classifying the "motley crowds" within its boundaries, showing that the state leaves room for "indiscipline." Rather than denying their agency in terms of ethnic identification, sympathetic local officials helped these people of Bawean origin to "classify back."

This article explores how colonial officials carved Đà Lạt and Lang Bian Province out of the Empire of Annam. It chronicles the province's shifting boundaries, identity, and status in the colonial era. Gradually, Đà Lạt emerged as a colonial summer capital, in the mold of Simla in India. Then, circa 1937, colonial planners plotted to make it into Indochina's federal capital. This placed Đà Lạt at the core of a new federal vision, which culminated in the two Đà Lạt conferences of 1946. At both conferences, Đà Lạt was confirmed as the Indochinese federation's future capital, before events rendered such a federation obsolete.

The assignment for the students was to write honestly about how they felt regarding specific current events dealing with diversity. However, what resulted was a kairos moment for the professor—an instance that called for her best response even when she did not know what that was—when a student crossed the line in terms of respectful communication. Our story picks up there and follows us through our own emotions and dialogues as we worked to make sense as to why the student responded as he did and how the emotionally charged issue could be turned into a teachable moment around language, boundaries, understanding, and acceptance.

We argue that Ferraro, Pfeffer, and Sutton build on a scientifically problematic conception of the relationship between theory and social reality. Specifically, the performativity perspective that they build on makes tenuous assumptions about the role that theories, whether true or not, play in strongly constructing social reality, but the perspective fundamentally ignores central matters related to human nature and the boundaries of possibility. We argue for a more realistic approach to theory building and social science, one that recognizes the role that true theories play in helping us understand and explain reality, but also in turn shaping that reality given this better theoretical understanding.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration instituted a Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution System (PPBES) in 2002. As supplemented by matrix management, PPBES was appealing as an effort to rationalize the performance of an agency with an especially high degree of functional overlap among its component parts. Although PPBES has had some salutary effects, the agency's experience to date consistent with accounts of the difficulties that led to the abandonment of program budgeting by the civilian bureaucracy almost 40 years ago. As such, it speaks to the limits of performance assessment as a means of reallocating resources and responsibilities across organizational boundaries.

AbstractProgressive democratization, the presence of a military superpower and the dream of an international order maintained by an international authority do not enhance the appearance of conventional armed conflicts. However, the discovery of new frailties that can be exploited by aggressors, the proliferation of motives – including ideological motives – for waging war, and the spread of technologies that can be used in new forms of warfare have led to war and armed conflicts breaking out of their classic mould, becoming hybrid and going beyond their previous boundaries. The author argues for an updated polemology which endeavours to explain the mechanisms of these new types of warfare.

Many in Europe believe that large numbers of Turkish immigrants have failed to integrate into their host communities. How is this situation in Sweden? We found that most of the Turkish immigrants felt themselves to be Turkish and Sweden was accepted as a foreign country. Turkish-originated media was followed frequently and strong ties with relatives in Turkey were maintained. Marriage and friendship with native Swedes were not well accepted. We concluded that despite the multicultural aspects of Swedish integration policies, Turkish immigrants in Sweden were not well integrated and they prefer to live within the boundaries of their segregated, closed, small communities.

In thinking about a focus for the 2008 Presidential Address, I could not help but be influenced by the fact that this year marked the thirtieth anniversary of Edward Said's seminal book on Orientalism. I chose to examine the connection between power and knowledge, central to his work, and how this has influenced not only the study of the Middle East, but how it has influenced the members and activities of the Middle East Studies Association, the largest North American professional association devoted to the study of the region, an organization whose influence sometimes extends beyond its territorial boundaries to other parts of the world.

This article examines the way Tibet's history and its relations with China have been interpreted and described in China since 1950. While China has long claimed that Tibet became part of China in the thirteenth century under the Yuan Dynasty, much evidence shows that this interpretation is a twentieth century construction. A more assertive Chinese position holds that historical China consists of the territory of the Qing Dynasty at its height, and that all within those boundaries have been uniquely part of China since ancient times, well before the Yuan era, and indeedsince before the beginning of recorded history. (China Perspectives/GIGA)

Although Kazakhstan's civil service reforms have the explicit objective of depoliticizing administrative personnel, they have had limited success in achieving that end. Contrary to the formal objective, they make the worlds of political and administrative executives all but indistinguishable. A considerable gap between formal rules and their informal understanding creates loose boundaries of permitted behavior and allows discretionary enforcement and influence. The failure to reach the stated policy objective underscores the paradoxical coexistence of two political environments: one marked by its de jure centralized political structure and another by its de facto decentralization at various levels of civil service.