Suchergebnisse

Procurement of commonly used items is a challenge for government agencies. If the items are repeatedly purchased in one-off fashion, so that the total volume is significant, there may be potential problems like loss of economy of scale, loss of efficiency, lower competition, and no long-term partnership with suppliers. Framework agreements (FAs) have emerged as a potential solution for the issues. Many countries (particularly in Americas and Europe) have used FAs successfully, though the use of FAs by countries outside these regions is still very low. Hence there is tremendous potential for scaling-up the use of FAs in developing countries. This study uses public procurement data from Brazil and Colombia, two major users of FAs. The subsequent chapters will describe the data used for the analysis, the methodology, and the findings. The country contexts, designs of FAs, available data and research questions vary across Brazil and Colombia, and therefore the empirical findings are not comparable between these two countries. For each country case, the analysis provides insights on the benefits and costs of using FAs and useful lessons that can be informative for other countries that are considering adopting or strengthening the use of FAs with similar design. Chapter one gives introduction. Chapters two and three cover data analytics from Brazil and Colombia respectively. Additionally, following annexures are part of this report: annexure-A: a brief introduction to regression analysis; annexure-B: supporting data and information - Brazil; and annexure-C: supporting data and information - Colombia.

There is a lack of a common view regarding precisely "What is a threat?" and "What is security?" which is the heart of the stability problem in Latin America. These authors acknowledge that the traditional definition of security and threat is no longer completely valid. They understand that a more realistic concept includes the protection of national sovereignty against unconventional internal causes and attackers. They also recognize that a close linkage exists among security, development, and democracy. Nevertheless, they were reluctant to take a broadened definition of national security to its logical conclusion. That is, to correspondingly broaden and integrate the roles of the national security forces into an internal sovereignty protection mission. Colombians now understand that that role is what makes stability, development, and democracy possible. The security-stability equation in Latin America is extremely volatile and dangerous. In terms of the kind of environment that is essential to the entire North American strategy for the hemisphere, that stability situation is deserving of much more attention than it has had in the recent past. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1791/thumbnail.jpg

PurposeDisasters continue to be most prevalent and severe for marginalised communities. To reach those furthest behind first, as the global community pledges in the 2030 Agenda, a critical assessment of equity in disaster risk governance is necessary. Yet, the understanding of factors that mediate the capacity of the governance processes to achieve equity ambitions is limited. This paper addresses this gap by proposing and testing a conceptual framework to assess equity in disaster risk governance.Design/methodology/approachThe framework analyses the extent to which institutional relationships and data in risk governance support inclusion and diversity of voice and enable the equitable engagement of communities. The study applied the framework to key risk policies across governance levels in Brazil and Colombia.FindingsThe study finds that institutional awareness of cross-sectoral and -scalar coordination clearly exists. Yet, the engagement of actors further down the governance scale is framed reactively at all scales in both countries. The analysis of the risk data practices indicates that although data integration and sharing are key policy priorities, the policies frame the relations of disaster risk data actors as hierarchical, with data needs determined from the top down.Originality/valueA key contribution of this framework is that its equity view results in a nuanced analysis, thus pointing to the differences between the two countries concerning the factors that mediate these challenges and providing specific entry points for strengthening equity in risk governance policies.

This paper discusses the ageing process in Brazil and Colombia according to gender and socioeconomic inequalities. The ageing process is related to reforms in social policies in each country. Reforms in the pension systems show contrasting results for the family structure and income. In Brazil, the extension of pensions to rural and informal workers leads to empowering poorer elderly women and men in economic and domestic relationships. Universalizing pensions allows the elderly to chose to live alone or to support adult children. On the other hand, in Colombia the reform created the individual saving system, reinforcing social exclusion and inequalities at the end of the life course. At the same time, the structural adjustments of the economy have generated new social contracts and economic order, but in different ways. The universal or individual character of the new pension system redefines in each country the profile of gender, generations, and socioeconomic inequalities. The universal reform can mitigate the economic and domestic exclusion of poorer and rural elderly, as in Brazil; and the individual reform can reinforce inequalities and, as a result, reproduce gender roles of domestic submission and dependence for poorer women in advanced ages.

Cooperative constitutionalism is the watchword in the 21st. century, and the creation of a judicial network is an important tool to improve human rights protection. This paper intends to contribute in that field, reporting the constitutional framework and the main decisions held by the Brazilian and the Colombian Constitutional Courts in protecting housing rights. The comparison is justified by the historical proximity in the juridical transition in both countries – 1988 in Brazil and 1991 in Colombia –; and also by the clear inspiration that Colombia took in the Brazilian Constitution at the time of their Constituent Assembly. As the narrative may show, formal constitutional clauses were not the key element to assure some level of efficacy to the housing right; Colombian results seems to be more solid and based in normative parameters, even though the literal text of the constitution does not provide housing rights with immediate efficacy.

Lateinamerika mit sehr diversen Entwicklungsständen ist einerseits als Kontinent heterogener Länderhistorien zu betrachten, zugleich aber auch Sammelbecken dezentralisierter Bildungssysteme, aus denen stark differenzierende Karrierewege resultieren. In kaum einem gesellschaftlichen Bereich haben soziale Disparitäten einen solch starken Einfluss auf die Mobilität wie in der Bildung, sie sollen exemplarisch anhand von Brasilien und Kolumbien mithilfe von Lebensverlaufsanalysen gezeigt werden. Wenn Ungleichheiten, die auf Herkunft und Milieu zurückgehen, nicht durch institutionelle Bildung kompensiert, sondern, wie anhand der Darlegung der Bildungssysteme Kolumbiens und Brasiliens, verschärft bzw. konzediert werden, ist der individuelle Bildungsaufstieg herausfordernd und gelingt nur wenigen. Vielmehr manifestiert sich in diesen Ländern eine Reproduktion sozialer Disparitäten, bedingt durch die institutionelle Diskriminierung, die Aufstiegsprozesse und Habitustransformationen kaum begünstigen.