Il fenomeno della Brexit ha portato diversi cambiamenti, di natura sia politico-sociale sia linguistica. Dal 2012, anno della creazione del neologismo, da questo termine ne sono stati coniati diversi altri, atti a definire i protagonisti e le implicazioni di tale evento. Questo studio si concentra su tre composti – hard Brexit, soft Brexit e smooth Brexit – che designano tre possibili realizzazioni dell'uscita del Regno Unito dall'Unione Europea. Lo scopo è quello di confrontare le definizioni di tali termini fornite da due glossari istituzionali, quello del Parlamento inglese e quello del Parlamento europeo – entrambi denominati Brexit Glossary, con le definizioni reperite nel Brexit Corpus, un corpus giornalistico di testi raccolti dal web e disponibile sulla piattaforma SketchEngine. I dati dimostrano che le definizioni dei tre termini analizzati non sono completamente coerenti e che i processi che descrivono non sono del tutto trasparenti e chiari agli utenti.
Das Vereinigte Königreich wird die Europäische Union verlassen - das erscheint sicher. Nicht so sicher sind dagegen die ökonomischen Folgen des sogenannten Brexits sowohl für das Vereinigte Königreich selbst als auch für die Länder der EU. Derzeit werden drei möglich Szenarien diskutiert, welche von einem "sanften Ausstieg" über einen "harten Ausstieg" bis hin zur "völligen Isolation" des Vereinigten Königreiches reichen und jeweils mit unterschiedlich hohen wirtschaftlichen Einbußen verbunden sind. Der Ton zwischem dem Vereinigten Königreich und der EU ist in der jüngsten Vergangenheit rauer geworden, so dass die Sorge um ein Scheitern der Verhandlungen in der Wirtschaft wächst. Das Risiko eines ungeordneten Brexit ist also nach wie vor evident. Dieser Beitrag widmet sich den verschiedenen Austrittsszenarien und geht der Frage nach, welche ökonomischen Folgen sich daraus für die Akteure ableiten lassen.
The article presents the results of a discourse analysis of the contextual uses of Brexit. Based on corpus-driven Internet samples, the research employs the method of semantic field analysis devised by Robin (1980) and her team of researchers from the Saint-Cloud Political Lexicography Center. According to Robin, in order to find the meaning of a word, the context of its use must be analysed, as well as its lexical relations with other linguistic units. For this reason, we have divided the elements of the co-text of the lexeme Brexit into six groups, which represent various connections of linguistic items with the SUBJECT, i.e. the lexeme under scrutiny. Subsequently, in compliance with Kłosiński's approach (1994), we propose the definitions of the SUBJECT which reflect the meanings featuring the actual usages of the lexeme Brexit and which integrate the key words from the semantic field of the concept in question. ; Izabela Sekścińska: isekscinska@pwsip.edu.pl ; Agnieszka Piórkowska: apiorkowska@pwsip.edu.pl ; Izabela Sekścińska is a lecturer at Łomża State University of Applied Sciences. Her main teaching areas are descriptive grammar of the English language and comparative linguistics. She obtained her Ph.D. degree in linguistics from Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń. Her current research is in the area of neuroscience and psycholinguistics. ; Agnieszka Piórkowska holds a Ph.D. in linguistics, and works as a lecturer at Łomża State University of Applied Sciences. Her research interests include cognitive investigation of modality and emotional attitude, as well as methodology of teaching English to young learners. ; Izabela Sekścińska - Łomża State University of Applied Sciences ; Agnieszka Piórkowska - Łomża State University of Applied Sciences ; Cowburn, A. 2016. Theresa May says 'Brexit means Brexit' and there will be no attempt to remain inside EU. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/theresa-may-brexit-means-brexit-conservative-leadership-no-attempt-remain-inside-eu-leave-europe-a7130596.html (3 September 2019). ; Davis, G. 2017. The language of Brexit. https://www.open.edu/openlearn/languages/english-language/the-language-brexit (1July 2019). ; Evans, V. & Green, M. 2006. Cognitive Linguistics. An Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ; Fatyga, B., Kietlińska, B., Michalczak, K., Michalski P., Piotrowski M. & Tomanek, P. 2014. Raport końcowy z badania dyskursu publicznego o prawie autorskim w Polsce w latach 2012–2013. https://prawokultury.pl/media/entry/attach/Fundacja_Nowoczesna_Polska-Raport_końcowy-Badanie_dyskursu_prawa_autorskiego.pdf (25 April 2019). ; Finegan, E. 1995. Subjectivity and subjectivisation: an introduction. In: D. Stain & S. Wright, (eds.), Subjectivity and Subjectification. Linguistic Perspectives, 1-15. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ; Firth, J. R. 1935. The technique of semantics. Transactions of the Philological Society 34(1): 36-73. ; Fontaine, L. 2017. The early semantics of the neologism BREXIT: a lexicogrammatical approach. Functional Linguistics 4(6): 1-15. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40554-017-0040-x (15 January 2020). ; Fries, N. 1992. Wartościowanie. Aspekty językowe i pojęciowe. In: G. Falkenberg, N. Fries & J. Puzynina (eds.), Wartościowanie w języku i w tekście na materiale polskim i niemieckim. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. ; Kłosiński, Marek. 1994. Semantyczna analiza pojęć 'bezrobocie' i 'bezrobotny' ('bezrobotni') w wypowiedziach prasowych. Kultura i Społeczeństwo 3: 151-162. ; Lakoff, G. & Johnson M. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ; Langacker, R. W. 2008. Cognitive Grammar. An Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. ; Line, H. 2016. Oxford English dictionary offers definition of Brexit as it adds new words. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/brexit-definition-oxford-english-dictionary-add-new-words-2016-a7476271.html (6 September 2019). ; Nuyts, J. 2006. Modality: Overview and linguistic issues. In: W. Frawley (ed.), The Expression of Modality, 1-26. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. ; Paradis, C. 2012. Lexical Semantics. In: C. A. Chapelle (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Applied Linguistics, 3357-3356. Wiley: Blackwell. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781405198431.wbeal0695 ; Paul, M. & Kisilowska, M. 2016. Czym jest czytanie? Intuicje i definicje. Kultura Popularna 4(50): 16-34. http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/media//files/Kultura_Popularna/Kultura_Popularna-r2016-t-n4_(50)/Kultura_Popularna-r2016-t-n4_(50)-s16-34/Kultura_Popularna-r2016-t-n4_(50)-s16-34.pdf (12 December 2019). ; Robin, R. 1980. Badanie pól semantycznych: doświadczenia Ośrodka Leksykologii Politycznej w Saint-Cloud. In M. Głowiński (ed.), Język i społeczeństwo, 252-281. Warsaw: Czytelnik. ; Routley, N. 2019. Ranking the top 100 websites in the world. https://www.visualcapitalist.com/ranking-the-top-100-websites-in-the-world/ (8 September 2019). ; Stolworthy, J. 2016. Collins Dictionary's 10 words of the year, from 'Brexit' and 'snowflake generation' to 'JOMO'. https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/news/collins-dictionarys-10-word-of-the-year-from-brexit-and-snowflake-generationto-jomo-a7395121.html (5 January 2019). ; Stone, J. 2019. France's EU minister names her cat 'Brexit' because 'he meows loudly to be let out but won't go through the door'. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/brexit-france-theresa-may-deal-nathalie-loiseau-cat-a8828026.html (4 September 2019). ; Tapper, J. 2019. The many metaphors of Brexit. https://daily.jstor.org/daily-author/james-tapper/ (1 January 2019). ; Wilhelm, A. 1999. Event structure and syntax: German*. Calgary Working Papers in Linguistics 21(Winter): 44-65. ; Ziarko, J. 2017. Framing w nowych mediach jako narzędzie manipulacyjnego oddziaływania na społeczeństwo, na przykładzie budowania dyskryminującego obrazu uchodźców. Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka 4: 65-83. https://btip.ka.edu.pl/pdf/2017-4/btip2017-4-ziarko.pdf (26 January 2020). ; Web 1 – BBC Media Centre. https://www.bbc.co.uk/mediacentre/latestnews/2019/childrens-word-of-the-year (19 January 2020). ; Web 2 – Urban Dictionary. http://www.urbandictionary.com (21 December 2019). ; Web 3 – WebCorpLive. http://www.webcorp.org.uk/live/guide.jsp (8 April 2019). ; 31 (4/2020) ; 66 ; 87
The Brexit vote precipitated the unravelling of the UK's membership of the world's deepest economic integration agreement. This paper reviews evidence on the realized economic effects of Brexit. The 2016 Brexit referendum changed expectations about future UK-EU relations. Studying its consequences provides new insights regarding the economic impacts of news and uncertainty shocks. Voting for Brexit had large negative effects on the UK economy between 2016 and 2019, leading to higher import and consumer prices, lower investment, and slower real wage and GDP growth. However, at the aggregate level, there was little or no trade diversion away from the EU, implying that many of the anticipated long-run effects of Brexit did not materialize before the new UK-EU trade relationship came into force in 2021.
Auch wenn die Briten die Europäische Union bereits zum 31. Januar 2020 verlassen haben, ist ein "harter Brexit" insofern noch nicht vom Tisch, als sich die beiden Parteien noch nicht auf ein Abkommen über die künftigen wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen geeinigt haben. Die Verhandlungen haben bisher noch kaum Ergebnisse erbracht. Mehrere Streitpunkte stehen einer Einigung bislang im Weg. Hierzu zählen die Art des Abkommens, unterschiedliche Vorstellungen darüber, wie weit das Vereinigte Königreich die Wettbewerbsbedingungen der Europäischen Union übernehmen und beibehalten muss, die Ausgestaltung der Ursprungsregeln und der künftige Zugang zu den Fischereigründen in den britischen Gewässern. Die mit den Vorbereitungen des Brexits verbundenen Unsicherheiten und die Ungewissheit darüber, ob die Europäische Union und das Vereinigte Königreich sich auf ein Freihandelsabkommen einigen können, hat dem deutsch-britischen Außenhandel schon zugesetzt. Während in der langen Frist von 1991 bis 2015 die deutschen Ausfuhren in das Vereinigte Königreich im Jahresdurchschnitt um über 5 Prozent anstiegen, ergab sich für die letzten vier Jahre ein jahresdurchschnittliches Minus von 3 Prozent. Bei den einzelnen Warengruppen mussten besonders Kraftfahrzeuge und -teile bei den Ausfuhren und Einfuhren einen Rückgang des Austauschs verzeichnen. Ihre Position gut verteidigt haben dagegen der Maschinenbau und elektrische Ausrüstungen. Die Corona-Pandemie hat den deutsch-britischen Außenhandel zusätzlich belastet. Dies zeigt ein Vergleich der Exporte und Importe in den ersten vier Monaten des Jahres 2020 mit den entsprechenden Vorjahresperioden. Aber auch hier ist das Bild nicht immer einheitlich. ; Even though the British have already left the European Union on 31st January 2020, a "hard brexit" is not yet off the table in so far as the two parties have not yet agreed on an agreement on future economic relations. So far, the negotiations have produced hardly any results. Several points of contention stand in the way of an agreement for some time. These include the nature of the agreement, differing views on the extent to which the United Kingdom must adopt and maintain the European Union's regulatory framework (level playing field), the design of the rules of origin and future access to fishing grounds in British waters. The uncertainties associated with the preparations for the Brexit and the uncertainty as to whether the European Union and the United Kingdom can agree on a free trade agreement have already affected British-German foreign trade. While in the long term from 1991 to 2015, German exports to the UK grew by over 5 per cent on average per annum, there has been an average annual decline of 3 per cent over the last four years. In terms of the individual product groups, motor vehicles and parts in particular suffered a decline in exports and imports. By contrast, mechanical engineering and electrical equipment defended their position well. The corona pandemic put an additional strain on British-German foreign trade. This is shown by a comparison of exports and imports in the first four months of 2020 with the corresponding figures for the previous year. But here too the picture is not always uniform.
A large majority of EU citizens show a great lack of interest about the issues that concern it. In fact, institutions such as the ECSC, the EEC, the EURATOM or treaties such as Maastricht, Amsterdam, Nice or Lisbon are rarely topics of conversation among them. Only the withdrawal process of United Kingdom from the EU raises some concern among EU citizens, because the perceived influence it will have on our economies. They speak of Brexit, of the "withdrawal agreement", of "backstop", etc., but without getting to the heart of these concepts. Since its creation, the EU has not stopped moving forward in the construction of its integration project. The British governments do not seem to have fully identified with the ultimate goal of the process: the political union. Thus, based on a short account of the European project, we will study the Brexit event, analyzing what these four years have meant, both for the EU and for the UK, until the arrival of "hurricane Johnson" with his controversial and disputed decisions. ; Una amplia mayoría de ciudadanos de la UE muestra un gran desinterés por los asuntos que conciernen a esta. De hecho, instituciones como la CECA, la CEE, el EURATOM o tratados como el de Maastricht, Ámsterdam, Niza o Lisboa raramente son temas de conversación. Tan solo el proceso de salida del Reino Unido despierta cierta preocupación, ya que se percibe que alguna influencia tendrá sobre nuestras economías. Se habla de Brexit, de withdrawal agreement, de backstop, etc., aunque sin llegar al fondo de estos conceptos. Desde su creación, la UE no ha parado de avanzar en la construcción de su proyecto de integración. Los gobiernos británicos no parecen haberse identificado del todo con el objetivo último del proceso: la unión política. Así pues, partiendo de una breve historia de la Unión, nos adentraremos en el evento de la Brexit, analizando lo que han supuesto estos cuatro años, tanto para la UE como para el RU, hasta la llegada del "huracán Johnson", con sus controvertidas y polémicas decisiones.
In 2016, the United Kingdom held a referendum –the second time since its accession to the EU– to decide whether to leave the European Union as Member State. The results of the referendum were pro-Brexit and the United Kingdom notified the European Council of its intention to leave the European Union in accordance with Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, which regulated the withdrawal of a Member State for the first time.This is an unprecedented process because, although there had been proposals for the incorporation of a withdrawal clause in Union law, such proposals had not materialized until the reform of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), where a withdrawal clause of this nature is included. The long and difficult process of withdrawal is still on the way and several options are emerging, all characterized by a process riddled with uncertainty and insecurity. ; En 2016, el Reino Unido celebró un referéndum –la segunda vez desde su incorporación a la UE– para decidir si abandonaba la Unión Europea como Estado miembro. El resultado del referéndum fue pro-Brexit y el Reino Unido notificó al Consejo Europeo su intención de abandonar la Unión Europea de conformidad con el artículo 50 del Tratado de la Unión Europea, el cual regula por primera vez la salida de un Estado miembro.Se trata de un proceso sin precedentes pues, si bien ya había habido propuestas de inclusión de una cláusula de salida en el Derecho de la Unión, estas no habían logrado materializarse hasta la llegada de la reforma del Tratado de Lisboa (2009), donde se incluye por primera vez una cláusula de tal naturaleza. El largo y difícil proceso de salida aún continúa y son varias las opciones que se perfilan, todas caracterizadas por un proceso lleno de incertidumbre e inseguridad.
Au 31 janvier 2020 à minuit (heure de Bruxelles), le Royaume-Uni a quitté l'Union européenne. Cette sortie n'est pourtant pas totale : conformément à l'accord de retrait, le pays est entré dans une transition qui lui permet de négocier sa future relation avec l'UE, tout en restant provisoirement intégré à un certain nombre de politiques européennes. Cette phase doit prendre fin au 31 décembre 2020 au plus tôt, mais les pourparlers semblent actuellement en impasse. S'il demeure la conséquence directe du référendum organisé le 23 juin 2016 par l'ancien Premier Ministre David Cameron, le « Brexit » reflète de longues décennies de rapports tumultueux avec l'Europe supranationale, qui ont nourri l'euroscepticisme et anti-européenisme des Britanniques.[.]
All EU member states will feel the shock waves from Brexit, but Ireland will clearly be hit hardest. The country has many close ties with the United Kingdom at every level: cultural social, family, political, industrial, economic and commercial. These ties have been forged within the framework of the European Union, favouring mutually beneficial exchanges and cooperation. Britain's decision to leave the EU can only weaken these bonds, to the detriment of both countries. Of all the issues now being discussed, the thorniest is the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. If London decides to leave the single market and the customs union, this would put an end to the free circulation of goods and people with the establishment of a "hard border". This would give unionists in the North a new argument in favour of reunification, which could in turn reawaken old demons.
All EU member states will feel the shock waves from Brexit, but Ireland will clearly be hit hardest. The country has many close ties with the United Kingdom at every level: cultural social, family, political, industrial, economic and commercial. These ties have been forged within the framework of the European Union, favouring mutually beneficial exchanges and cooperation. Britain's decision to leave the EU can only weaken these bonds, to the detriment of both countries. Of all the issues now being discussed, the thorniest is the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. If London decides to leave the single market and the customs union, this would put an end to the free circulation of goods and people with the establishment of a "hard border". This would give unionists in the North a new argument in favour of reunification, which could in turn reawaken old demons.
My very first column for this blog back in 2018 was a plea to manage Brexit well, addressed mostly to the UK but also the EU. In order to restore, or safeguard whatever was left of, trust in politics and public institutions. Once the 2016 referendum had served up Brexit, whatever that was taken to mean, it was imperative on all sides to carry it through and make the best of it. Clearly, the first part happened, the second didn't, whatever the situation will be onthe 1stof January.
News that Brexit negotiations continue to be stuck in the mire as it were comes as no surprise to me. I have doubted the UK Government's sincerity in wanting to reach a trade agreement with the EU ever since Boris Johnson "got Brexit done" back in January.
International audience ; According to the Lisbon Treaty, after the vote of British citizens of 23 June 2016, favorable from the United Kingdom to the European Union, the European Treaties should no longer apply in the UK in 2019. What this demographic consequences Brexit will it for the EU? ; Selon le traité de Lisbonne, après le vote des citoyens britanniques du 23 juin 2016, favorable au départ du Royaume-Uni de l'Union européenne, les traités européens ne devraient plus s'appliquer outre-Manche en 2018. Quelles conséquences démographiques ce Brexit aura-t-il pour l'Union européenne ?
International audience ; According to the Lisbon Treaty, after the vote of British citizens of 23 June 2016, favorable from the United Kingdom to the European Union, the European Treaties should no longer apply in the UK in 2019. What this demographic consequences Brexit will it for the EU? ; Selon le traité de Lisbonne, après le vote des citoyens britanniques du 23 juin 2016, favorable au départ du Royaume-Uni de l'Union européenne, les traités européens ne devraient plus s'appliquer outre-Manche en 2018. Quelles conséquences démographiques ce Brexit aura-t-il pour l'Union européenne ?
Professor Frank Peck of the University of Cumbria's Centre for Regional Economic Development writes for in-Cumbria on the big issues of the day and the economic data behind them. This month, unpacking Brexit: evidence from Regional Trade Data. The debate on BREXIT has now gathered considerable momentum, spurred on by the decision taken to seek Parliamentary approval for triggering Article 50. Discussions are, however, still at quite a high level of aggregation. Will it be a "hard" or a "soft" exit? In reality, it is unlikely to be a simple choice between two extremes. The debate will inevitably deepen as policymakers look more closely at the detail. Brexit poses questions that have not previously been asked with such urgency. What are, for instance, the patterns of regional trade across the UK with regard to flows of goods and services from other EU states and countries beyond? Which regions and localities would be most affected by leaving the single market with consequences for import and export costs? The short answer to this is that we do not know the full picture. The data is partial and much of it still classed as experimental. HM Revenue and Customs, however, publish quarterly Regional Trade Statistics for goods and materials that at least give an indication of the regional dimension of international trade links affecting manufacturing. The most recent issue (published on December 6, 2016) relates to the third quarter of 2016. Overall, this data shows that in the year to September 2016, the overall value of UK exports of goods increased by 0.2 per cent compared to the same period last year. This seems consistent with trends in other indicators that suggest "business as usual", at least for now.
