Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Alternativ können Sie versuchen, selbst über Ihren lokalen Bibliothekskatalog auf das gewünschte Dokument zuzugreifen.
Bei Zugriffsproblemen kontaktieren Sie uns gern.
110408 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Worldview, Band 17, Heft 7, S. 30-33
My first visit to England was in 1921, when the Macdonald Labor government had its first but brief reign by sufferance of the Liberals. I married an English girl in 1931, and my wife and I subsequently spent every other summer in Britain until 1939. I met the late Dr. William Temple, Archbishop of York, in a preparatory meeting for the Oxford Conference on "Church, Community and State" in 1938. My contacts with Britain were chiefly on the Left in both Church and State. Dr. Temple was a member of the Labor Party and, with Professor R. H. Tawney, one of the founders of the Workers Education Association. Temple was certainly partly responsible for the general diffusion of "labor" opinion through the middle classes of Britain and beyond the limits of the industrial classes to which socialism was confined on the Continent. This diffusion laid the foundation for the victory of Labor after the War, in spite of Churchill's great eminence as the architect of British victory. The slogan "Fair shares for all" represented the conscience of the whole war-impoverished nation.
Intro -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Foreword -- Introduction -- 1 Older people and equality -- 2 Race and equality -- 3 Religion and belief -- 4 Gypsies and Travellers -- 5 Gender equality -- 6 Gender identity and sexual orientation -- 7 Disability -- Conclusion: equalities in Britain -- Endnotes -- References -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W
Following an overview of the political context in GB, the development of environmental protest in GB, 1988-1997, is explored, drawing on an analysis of 2,756 environmental protests reported in print editions of The Guardian. The geographical distribution of environmental protest is found to be skewed toward London, England, while four predominant issues are identified: nature conservation, animal welfare, pollution, & transport. Forms of protest included conventional (ie, political action), demonstrations, confrontation, property attacks, & violence against persons. It is seen that the public visibility of confrontational protest associated with environmental issues increased, while forms of action seem to be related to the kinds of issues being protested. Patterns of activity of specific environmental groups are next assessed, with Greenpeace & Friends of the Earth cited most often over the decade & evidencing the most stable representation. Attention turns to distinguishing between the different movements that constitute the whole of British environmental protest, which is described as a loose noninstitutionalized network of organizations. It is noted that analysis provides no evidence of any trend toward a transnationalization of British protest, with very little indication of protests directed at the EU. Overall, there was a surge of environmental protest with a distinct turn toward more confrontational forms of action & patterns apparently tied to opportunities arising with the electoral cycle & government policies & attitudes. It is suggested that the tailing off of protest is related to the Labour government's quick response, perhaps to avoid the kind of protest wave experienced by its Conservative predecessor. 8 Tables, 5 Figures. J. Zendejas
Following an overview of the political context in GB, the development of environmental protest in GB, 1988-1997, is explored, drawing on an analysis of 2,756 environmental protests reported in print editions of The Guardian. The geographical distribution of environmental protest is found to be skewed toward London, England, while four predominant issues are identified: nature conservation, animal welfare, pollution, & transport. Forms of protest included conventional (ie, political action), demonstrations, confrontation, property attacks, & violence against persons. It is seen that the public visibility of confrontational protest associated with environmental issues increased, while forms of action seem to be related to the kinds of issues being protested. Patterns of activity of specific environmental groups are next assessed, with Greenpeace & Friends of the Earth cited most often over the decade & evidencing the most stable representation. Attention turns to distinguishing between the different movements that constitute the whole of British environmental protest, which is described as a loose noninstitutionalized network of organizations. It is noted that analysis provides no evidence of any trend toward a transnationalization of British protest, with very little indication of protests directed at the EU. Overall, there was a surge of environmental protest with a distinct turn toward more confrontational forms of action & patterns apparently tied to opportunities arising with the electoral cycle & government policies & attitudes. It is suggested that the tailing off of protest is related to the Labour government's quick response, perhaps to avoid the kind of protest wave experienced by its Conservative predecessor. 8 Tables, 5 Figures. J. Zendejas
Under the narrative of "Global Britain", the United Kingdom (UK) aims to position itself after Brexit as an independent leading power with global reach. The Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy, published in March 2021, seeks to implement this goal. By making the G7 and COP26 presidencies in 2021 a success and by increasing its defence spending, London wants to show what Global Britain means in practice, while also convincing the new US administration of its strategic value. With regard to the European Union (EU), however, the Johnson government rejects institutionalised cooperation in foreign and security policy and prefers flexible formats with individual EU states. This presents Germany with a dilemma: On the one hand, it wants to involve London in European foreign and security policy, but on the other hand, this involvement must not be at the expense of the EU and European unity. In view of the currently strained EU-UK relationship, institutionalised cooperation only seems possible in the long term. In the medium term, the focus should be on informal bilateral and multilateral formats. (author's abstract)