Suchergebnisse

This thesis describes the parliamentary scrutiny system of the Dutch Government in the European decision-making process. More specifically, this study concerns the instruments of the British parliamentary scrutiny reserve and the Danish and Austrian mandating systems, and the added value that such instruments might have for the Netherlands. The main lesson to be learned from the British scrutiny reserve is that both the Government and Parliament are encouraged to become actively involved at an early stage of the European decision-making process. The system also ensures structural provision of information throughout the European decision-making process. In the Netherlands such structural information agreements between Parliament and the Government do not exist. The introduction of a parliamentary scrutiny reserve would solve this problem. The instrument of the parliamentary reserve that was introduced in the Netherlands when the Lisbon Treaty entered into force is much more limited than the British scrutiny reserve. The Dutch parliamentary reserve lacks the most essential aspect that makes the scrutiny reserve a valuable instrument. It is not linked to Government information and therefore does not stimulate as much dialogue between the Government and Parliament from the earliest stages of the European decision-making process as the British scrutiny reserve does. The Danish mandating system adds little to the Dutch Parliament's existing instruments to scrutinize the Government in the EU decision-making process. It may be doubted whether a mandating system would be suitable in a bicameral system such as the Dutch one. The Tweede Kamer (the Dutch House of Representatives) and the Eerste Kamer (the Dutch Senate) may occasionally give contradictory instructions. Furthermore, the fact that the presentation of the mandates often takes place at a later stage of the European decision-making process can be seen as a major drawback of the Danish mandating system. Despite the fact that the system ensures that Parliament is ...

In het onderzoek naar emigratie en emigranten staan de laatste jaren etniciteit en de vorming van identiteiten centraal. Niet langer wordt de emigratie van bijvoorbeeld alle Nederlanders naar een land onderzocht, maar die van een speciale groep. Dit boek gaat over de emigratie van bevindelijk gereformeerden naar Canada in de jaren vijftig van de vorige eeuw. Bevindelijk gereformeerden bevinden zich door hun leer en daaraan verbonden levenshouding in de marge van de samenleving. Door hun gebruiken, zoals het afwijzen van tv-bezit en het vasthouden aan de zondagsheiliging, sluiten zij zich bewus

Public administration; Sociology - Bij het transformeren van probleemwijken naar prachtwijken is veel aandacht voor de fysieke, de sociale en de economische aspecten van achterstand. Maar weinig is bekend over de relatie tussen achterstand en emotionele binding: wat zijn de effecten van de stedelijke vernieuwing op het thuisgevoel van deze bewoners? Dat staat centraal in dit onderzoek waarbij de praktijk in Nederland en Engeland met elkaar vergeleken worden. Aan de hand van data uit het WoonBehoefte Onderzoek/ WoOn (1998 - 2006) en de British Household Panel Survey (1998 - 2003) is de buurthechting van Nederlandse en Engelse bewoners in kaart gebracht.

A brief review of some recent European Union (EU) monetary & trade history (from the 1970 Treaty of Luxembourg to the recent Greek declarations), in which problems & successes of various kinds (eg, accession of new member states, the juste retour of the UK) have been matched by new methods of raising revenue. As tariffs & trade barriers disappeared throughout the EU, other revenues (external trade tariffs, VAT, etc) have increased in importance. Three milestones in recent EU economic history are former British Prime Minister Thatcher's disputes with the EU over trade & currency issues in the early 1980s, Maastricht, & the 1999 Council of Europe, in which current financing standards were agreed upon. 4 Tables. A. Siegel

Between 1949 and 1962 the Netherlands renounced its sovereignty over most of its overseas territories. Nevertheless, during the entire period of the Cold War, the Royal Netherlands Navy (RNLN) stood by its point of view that it had a global task to fulfil. This military-naval deployment, outside the NATO treaty area during and shortly after the Cold War in relation to the structural global ambitions of the Royal Netherlands Navy's leadership, is the central theme of this study. This theme is analysed on the basis of theories and an understanding of multinational fleet operations after 1945 and Dutch policy regarding naval operations outside the NATO treaty area, but above all through regional case studies (Korean War 1950-1955, operations around the Arabian peninsula 1984-2000, and in the Adriatic Sea and Montenegrin waters 1992-2001). These case studies were examined by addressing the following central questions: to what extent did these missions involve a traditional approach to Dutch foreign policy? To what extent did the Navy's leadership influence the political-strategic decision-making on these out-of-area operations? To what extent were Dutch tasks and operations different from those of coalition partners, specifically those of the British Royal Navy, which the Royal Netherlands Navy considered to be its 'sister navy'? To what extent did the existing national and international perceptions of the RNLN influence Dutch decision-making on these missions, and how much did the participation in multinational fleet operations subsequently contribute to the objectives the Dutch government had in mind? In all the three case studies, the national and international perception of the Netherlands as a maritime nation and the ability to deploy high-quality navy units were taken into account in the Dutch government's decision-making regarding the RNLN participation in multinational fleet operations. The missions always received international, and especially British and American, appreciation and respect. The fact that ...

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.

Noting that problems with social exclusion are increasingly related to unemployment, ethnic factors, & urban crime in Belgium, the applicability of the primarily British & US concept of the underclass is examined. Definitions of the concept are discussed, arguing that some are too vague to clearly circumscribe a sociologically relevant group, & others possess a moral undertone that renders their explanatory power minimal. Although the term cannot be applied straightforwardly to the Belgian situation, three recurrent aspects of its definitions are explored: economic marginality, deviant values regarding work & family, & criminal behavior. It is found that economic marginality in Belgium is not as stable as in the UK & US, & relevant values & behavior are not specifically associated with or restricted to economically marginal groups. However, the expression of conflict in terms of ethnicity is recognized. It is concluded that, although Belgium's problems can be viewed in a framework of underclass formation processes, no definable underclass exists. Adapted from the source document.

Het is de weerklank van deze oproep – Vraag het ze gewoon! – uit de mond van historicus en archivaris Rob Perks, hoofd van The British Sound Archive in Londen, die mij als militair historicus en curator van het Interviewproject Nederlandse Veteranen motiveerde om wat sociaalwetenschappelijke onderzoekers vanzelfsprekend vinden ter discussie te stellen. Perks, die leiding geeft aan het grootschalige project National Life Stories van The British Library, reageerde zo op de vraag of het bekend zijn van de identiteit van de geïnterviewden in zijn project niet problematisch was voor de diepte en informatierijkdom van de interviews en voor de omgang met de privacy van de respondenten door de raadplegers van het materiaal.In zijn optiek wordt er te snel van uitgegaan dat mensen alleen anoniem hun verhaal willen doen en dat als ze wel hun identiteit aan het interview koppelen, ze belangrijke informatie zullen achterhouden. Ook weerspreekt hij de overtuiging dat bekendheid van de naam bij de beheerders van het materiaal de respondenten kwetsbaar maakt voor misbruik en schending van privacy. Het is natuurlijk de vraag in hoeverre een archivaris die in Groot-Brittannië als de hoeder van het oral history-erfgoed gezien kan worden, in staat is te beoordelen of bepaalde uitgangspunten van sociaalwetenschappelijk onderzoek die tot doel hebben mensen te beschermen en die gestoeld zijn op decennialange onderzoekservaring, zomaar aan de kant geschoven moeten worden.Feit is dat de maatschappij snel verandert, dat door individualisering en mondigheid mensen veel sterker geneigd zijn zelf te willen beslissen over 'wat goed voor hen is', en dat ervaringen die voorheen geassocieerd werden met het private/persoonlijke domein door de medialisering van het persoonlijke steeds vaker in het publieke domein zijn terug te vinden. Moet de onderzoeker zonder meer in deze ontwikkelingen meegaan?Nee, maar hij moet er wel kennis van nemen. Waar Perks voor pleit, zijn geen wildwesttoestanden met het vrijgeven van persoonlijke data aan Jan en alleman als de 'argeloze verteller' daar zijn fiat aan gegeven heeft. Hij pleit voor het combineren van 'the best of both worlds': de mogelijkheden voor gedifferentieerde toegang en bescherming van privacy die de archiefwetgeving in combinatie met ICT te bieden heeft, en het hele arsenaal aan zorgvuldig verzamelde kwalitatieve data dat veelal slechts eenmaal gebruikt wordt en na het publiceren van het onderzoeksresultaat – ongedigitaliseerd – in de kast verdwijnt.De voorwaarde voor deze combinatie is wel dat het langetermijnperspectief van archivering moet worden besproken met de respondent en moet worden geïntegreerd in het onderzoeksplan. De onderzoeker zou dus met het oog op een toekomstig raadpleger alle aan het onderzoek gerelateerde context moeten documenteren en op een toegankelijke manier ontsluiten. Ook zou hij bereid moeten zijn een deel van de aanvankelijk exclusieve relatie met zijn respondent op te geven. Anderen kunnen dan de wijze waarop hij of zij het materiaal geïnterpreteerd heeft, controleren en beoordelen.De mogelijkheid tot een 'kijkje in de keuken van de data' is bij andere wetenschapsgebieden zo vanzelfsprekend, dat het eigenlijk vreemd is dat het ontbreken daarvan in de wereld van de kwalitatieve data nooit geproblematiseerd is. Wel is het zo dat de vergroting van de werklast vertaald zou moeten worden in wetenschappelijke en financiële credits. Dan motiveer je pas onderzoekers om de onderzoekscultuur te veranderen.

Why did the Dutch hold on to Western New Guinea, one of the many territories that constituted the Dutch East Indies (modern-day Indonesia), when the colony became independent in 1949? This thesis argues against the traditional explanation that it was due to a singular Dutch 'decolonization trauma': an inability to let go of the glorious colonial past, combined with resentment against Indonesian nationalist leaders such as Sukarno. It shows that historians have overstated the importance of emotions in Dutch colonial policy-making and diplomacy after 1949, mainly because of their narrow scope of analysis, which has traditionally been restricted to trilateral relations between the Netherlands, independent Indonesia (which wanted to incorporate Western New Guinea, if need be with military means) and the allegedly 'anti-colonial' United States. This thesis situates Dutch decision-making in the Western New Guinea Crisis in a much wider network, incorporating the colonial policy, diplomacy and perception of other Western powers such as Britain, France, Australia, Belgium and Portugal between 1930 and 1962. It is argued that, when viewed within this network and its discourse, the Dutch decision to retain Western New Guinea is best explained with rational actor theory. The decision was inspired not so much by emotions as by cost-benefit analyses, which included the possibility of transferring the territory to a new Indonesian regime—which the Dutch expected to be more forthcoming to the interests of the Papuans, the native inhabitants of Western New Guinea, and the Dutch (economic) interests in Indonesia than the regime headed by Sukarno. Research into hitherto neglected French, Belgian, British and Dutch archives also shows that the Netherlands could count on much more support for its New Guinea policy from its Western allies—including the US—than traditional historiography suggests. It remains true that the United States forced the Netherlands to hand over Western New Guinea to Indonesia in 1962, but the Kennedy ...