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This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

U ovom radu nastojim ispitati osnovnu tezu o nastanku prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se pojavljuju kao poseban historijsko-empirijski model stranačke organizacije. Model prezidencijaliziranih stranaka ne predstavlja sljedeću fazu u postojećoj razvojnoj teoriji političkih stranaka koja bi označila kretanje prema još jednomu novom tipu stranke, niti mu se mogu pridodati značenja i vrijednosti novoga razvojnog tipa. Valjan je samo kao analitički model kojim se na historijskoj i empirijskoj razini može pratiti prilagodba suvremenih političkih stranaka zahtjevima socijalnih i političkih čimbenika za sve većom individualizacijom političkog života. Ono što prezidencijalizirane stranke čini specifičnim modelom upravo su ključne karakteristike snažne koncentracije moći u rukama stranačkog vođe i centralizacije procesa političkog odlučivanja, iz čega proizlaze njegova autonomija u formuliranju stranačkih politika, programa i izbornih strategija, neupitna dominacija nad svim razinama stranačke organizacije te rigidna hijerarhijska stranačka struktura. Komparativna analiza britanske Laburističke stranke, Španjolske socijalističke radničke stranke i Hrvatske demokratske zajednice nedvosmisleno je potvrdila glavnu hipotezu kojom je uspostavljena uzročna veza između složene kombinacije strukturnih i kontekstualnih čimbenika, koji su identificirani kao glavni pokretači prezidencijalizacijskih procesa, i nastanka prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se organizacijski prilagođavaju izazovima suvremenih demokracija. ; In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other. In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other.

By means of a comparative analysis of the available data, we can divide intelligence organizations into three groups of models, provisionally called American, British, & (the former) Soviet. These models have at the same time served as a basis for building intelligence systems in other states. Unlike the other two systems, the co-called British model of intelligence organization includes the central organization that coordinates the operation of all the others. The British intelligence system is made up of independent services located within different ministries, whose activities are coordinated by the cabinet or its working bodies. 1 Diagram, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tribute to Ralf Dahrendorf, German-British sociologist, philosopher, political scientist and liberal politician, who died in 2009,.

Odlikovanja Velike Britanije u Zbirci odlikovanja Hrvatskoga povijesnog muzeja nisu reprezentativna ni brojna. Razumljivo je da nedostaju ordeni starih viteških redova jer su se nakon smrti nositelja ordena dodijeljeni primjerci vraćali kancelarijama redova. Eventualni duplikati tih ordena rijetko se pojavljuju u prodaji, a neprocjenjive su vrijednosti. Potencijalnim kolekcionarima osrednjih financijskih mogućnosti preostaje skupljanje britanskih medalja za zasluge iz 20. stoljeća. Najčešće su to odlikovanja za Prvi i Drugi svjetski rat, medalje za građansku i vojnu službu te jubilarne i spomen-medalje. Većina britanskih odlikovanja Hrvatskoga povijesnog muzeja potječe iz donacije dr. Veljka Malinara, koja je dospjela u muzej nakon njegove smrti 1990. godine. Samo su tri odlikovanja nabavljena tijekom 2002. godine, zamjenom sa zagrebačkim kolekcionarima. ; The collection of British decorations in the Collection of Decorations of the Croatian History Museum is not representative or numerous. It is understandable that there are no old insignia of chivalry because these had to be returned to the offices of the chivalric orders after the death of their bearer. The duplicates of such insignia rarely appear on sale, and are of immense value. Collectors of medium financial means may collect 20th century British medals of merit. These are usually World War I and II orders, civil and military service medals and jubilee memorial medals. Most British decorations in the Croatian History Museum are from the donation of Dr Veljko Malinar, which became part of the museum collection after his death in 1990. Only three decorations were acquired in 2002, by exchange with Zagreb collectors.

The author thematizes the concept of presidentialization of parliamentary democracies, which was developed most systematically in comparative politics by Thomas Poguntke & Paul Webb. The concept of presidentialization designates a process through which parliamentary systems become increasingly presidential in their functional logic & political practice, with no actual alteration of the formal institutional arrangement, ie., of the type of regime. The initial presidentialist processes were observed in British politics of the 1960s, & they were analyzed through a descriptive debate on whether the British Government was prime ministerial or cabinet. The main theoretical rival to the concept of presidentialization is the core executive model, which was expounded in the early 1990s by Dunleavy & Rhodes. According to the core executive model, relations between the principal actors within executive power are determined by dependence, not domination. According to the concept of presidentialization, parliamentary systems are characterized by a shift from collective to individual political might & responsibility. The principal actor is the Prime Minister, who dominates the other actors due to the institutional & personal resources at his disposal. Research into presidentialization can be conducted on the levels of executive power, of political parties & of the electoral process. Adapted from the source document.

The author criticizes the universalism of democracy as a world model. He argues that WWI has been insufficiently explored from the perspective of the clash of two democratic concepts. The outcome of that war heralded the long-term victory of the Franco-American universalist concept of democracy over the traditional British concept of democracy. This has greatly influenced the political & philosophical understanding of democracy as the universalist elements of democratic constitutions have prevailed, while awareness of the historically evolved institutions of democracy has been suppressed. The author shows that the emergence of fundamental rights had nothing to do with their universalist natural-law version, since in England & Germany, there were pre-forms rooted in the specific legal traditions of those countries or regions. Since the creation of a world democratic state is not feasible, there is no genuine significance of the universalist democracy. In his conclusion, the author promotes the acceptance of the traditional concept of democracy modeled after British democracy, which would strengthen the UN & international law. This would be particularly important in today's circumstances & conducive to the acknowledgment of various traditions &, consequently, to a variety of systems of government. Adapted from the source document.

The text poses the question: Does GB need a "written" or an "unwritten" constitution? The main issues in the text are the participants in the constitutional debate, certain constitutional reform proposals, the tenor of the debate on a "British" constitution, & certain consequences ensuing from adopting a "written" constitution for one of the oldest world democracies. The author suggests that the circumstances & the motivational force of national identity in GB are not yet ready for the revolution of the written constitution. Adapted from the source document.

The increasing use of mini-publics in the policy process, ranging from citizens' juries & deliberative polls to the more recent British Columbia Citizens' Assembly, has coincided with the emergence of theories of deliberative democracy. A growing number of deliberative democrats have turned their attention to mini-publics arguing that they embody desirable institutional characteristics. This article analyses the extent to which mini-publics live up to the deliberative ideal & the ways in which the analysis of the practice of mini-publics allows us to reflect on the evaluative commitments of theorists. Adapted from the source document.

Book, written in Slovene, discusses the legal content and scope of the concept of discriminatory harassment, which is deemed to be an unlawful discrimination under modern EU non-discrimination law, in the context of implementation of provisions of relevant EU directives in legal systems of the United Kingdom and Ireland. the two most important EU non-discrimination directives, adopted under Article 13 of the Treaty Establishing the European Community (now Article 19 of the treaty on the Functioning of the European union) - Racial Equality Directive (Directive 2000/43/EC) and Employment Framework Directive (Directive 2000/78/EC) - explicity mention harassment as prohibited form of discrimination. Legal definitions contained in these two directives define harassment as discriminationdiscrimination itself. Prior to the transposition of the EU non-discrimination directives into their laws, while few member states tackled this issue either within the context of the law on equal treatment (e.g. Denmark, the United Kingdom and Ireland) or outside this context (e.g. France), that is in the framework of criminal, civil, health and safety or employment legislation. As a result of the implementation of relevant provisions of the two main non-discrimination directives (Directives 200/43/EC and 200/78/EC) a definition of harassment has been included in legislations of all EU member states. In most member states such legislative definition is a literal copy of the definition of harrasment that can be found in the Directives 2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC. The approach to the definition of harassment that appears to be the most "generous" from the perspective of victims of discriminatory harrasment is the one that was taken by British legislator. Such legal position in respect of the prohibition of discrimination has been developed in British case law and is based on the extensive interpretation of non-discrimination laws.

Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration. ; Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

The emancipation of the Commonwealth countries had a particular impact on the traditional British principle of inviolable sovereignty of the Parliament. Ever since 1931, when the Imperial Parliament, through the Westminster Act, renounced the unilateral exercise of legislative power in the Dominions, the theory of parliamentary sovereignty as unlimited legislative power has been subject to alterations under the pressure of political reality. The process was most pronounced in the 1982-1998 period, when the United Kingdom & several member-countries of the Commonwealth, as "the last democratic strongholds of traditional legislative supremacy," adopted various documents in which human rights are guaranteed. The author elucidates the characteristics of the new, Commonwealth model of constitutionalism, wherein the constitutionalization of fundamental rights has made possible not only specific forms of judicial supervision, but also an increase of judicial activism. Adapted from the source document.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.