Suchergebnisse

The geopolitical interests of Great Britain in Azerbaijan, as well as the policy of the Caucasus in general, are considered an integral part of the historical Eastern question. It is an undeniable fact that historically every great power has used various pretexts and factors to maintain its own imperialist policy. These factors can be observed in the geopolitical interests of the great powers in current events in the world. XX. at the beginning of the XIX century, Armenians were one of the main factors in the pursuit of Britain's geopolitical interests both in the Ottoman geography and in the South Caucasus. The priority of the UK was to decipher which nation among the various ethnic and religious groups in the Caucasus could seriously resist the Turks. They did not trust the Azerbaijani Turks, who sympathized with the Ottomans because they were Turks. In turn, the Azerbaijani Turks were very worried about the British assistance to the Armenians. This aid was even used by the Armenians to annoy the Azerbaijanis. These actions of the Armenians have created public opinion that the British government is pursuing an openly anti-Islamic policy. In this study, information is discussed that the UK plays a key role in the emergence of the Armenian problem and its transnational problems, including its expansionism, and uses Armenians as the main tool in its geopolitical interests in the South Caucasus.

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

When British travelers visited Kurdish regions in the first half of the twentieth century they recorded their memories and opinions on Kurdish society, especially the position of women. This article analyses the text the British travelers produced to understand whether they were written from an orientalist perspective. The freedom of Kurdish women impressed the British travellers and officers, and in particular they differentiated between Kurdish women and other Muslim societies. They admired the high status of Kurdish women in society regardless of class, in both rural and urban communities. That freedom was reflected in their clothing, lack of face coverings and confident treatment of foreigners. Women participated in politics, became leaders of their communities, and educated themselves, leading British travelers to make comparisons between Kurdish and European women. This article challenges the idea that British travelers considered Kurdish women solely from an orientalist perspective. While orientalism determined many of their views on Kurdish society, British views of Kurdish women were informed by comparison with Europeans.

İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Avrupa'daki siyasi ve ekonomik yıkımı onarmak adına Avrupa bütünleşmesi fikri ortaya çıkmış, ancak Britanya bu fikre Kıta'nın diğer ulus devletlerine kıyasla daha mesafeli yaklaşmıştır. Her ne kadar 1960'larda entegrasyon fikrinin en somut çıktısı olan Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğuna başvurup, 1973'te üye devlet konumuna gelse de; Britanya, üye olduğu dönem boyunca ulusal çıkarlarına uymayan Topluluk politikalarının dışında kalmayı tercih etmiştir. Britanya'nın gerek kendini Kıta Avrupası'nın politik, ekonomik ve toplumsal yapısından ayrıştırarak, gerekse karşılaştırmalı bir üstünlük belirterek istisnacılığını üyelik öncesi ve sonrası dönemde devam ettirdiği söylenebilir. Avrupa entegrasyonunun ilkelerinden ve politika gerekliliklerinden kendini hariç tutma iddiası olarak tanımlanabilecek Britanya istisnacılığına dair Britanya Parlamentosu'nun iki ana akım partisi İşçi Partisi ve Muhafazakâr Parti tarafından üretilen siyaset ve söylem, bu çalışmanın temel araştırma konusudur. Britanya Parlamentosu içinde Avrupa entegrasyonuna karşı geliştirilen farklı tutumlar arasından istisnacılığı söylem analizi yöntemi ile inceleyen bu çalışmada, bahsi geçen iki partinin milletvekillerinin parlamento konuşmaları 1973-2017 dönem aralığında, parlamentonun resmi arşivi Hansard üzerinden elde edilen veriler aracılığıyla incelenmiştir. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın ilk amacı İşçi Partisi ve Muhafazakâr Parti milletvekillerinin istisnacılık siyasetinin söylemsel boyutunu nasıl kurguladıklarının incelenmesi, ikinci amacı ise bu iki partinin istisnacılık söylemi arasında ne gibi benzerlikler ve farklılıklar olduğunun tespit edilmesidir. Söylem analizi sonucunda iki partinin istisnacılık söyleminin yoğunlaştığı ana başlıklar egemenlik, ekonomik yapının biricikliği, dünya gücü olma iddiası ve ada devleti olma halinden kaynaklı coğrafi konum olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. ; The idea of European integration has emerged to restore political and economic destruction in Europe after the Second World War, yet Britain stood aloof from this idea compared to other nation states in the Continent. Although in 1960s, Britain applied for the membership of European Economic Community, which was the most tangible output of integration attempts and became a member state in 1973; throughout the membership period, Britain preferred to opt-out from the policies of Community which were not in line with national interests of the country. It can also be argued that Britain has maintained its exceptionalism both before and after membership, either by differentiating itself from the political, economic and social structure of Continental Europe or claiming a comparative superiority. The main subject of this study is the politics and discourse on British exceptionalism- which can be defined as the assertion of exemption from the values and policy necessities of European integration- produced by the two mainstream political parties of British Parliament, Labour and Conservative Parties. In this study, exceptionalism as one of the various lines of conduct inside British Parliament towards European integration has been examined by discourse analysis of the speeches of MPs from the two political parties in question covering the period from 1973 to 2017 through the data retrieved from Hansard, the official archive of British Parliament. In this context, this study aims, firstly, to analyse how the MPs of Labour and Conservative Parties construct the discourse dimension of exceptionalist politics and secondly, to determine what kind of similarities and differences between these two political parties' exceptionalist discourse. Sovereignty, the uniqueness of economic structure, claim for world power and geographic location as an island nation are the main topics emerged out of discourse analysis.

31 Ocak 2020'de Avrupa Birliği'nden resmi olarak ayrılma sürecini tamamlayan Britanya'nın tarihsel olarak Topluluk ile kurduğu ilişki "tuhaf/isteksiz ortak", "yarı-ayrık ilişki" gibi tanımlamalar çerçevesinde sürdürülmüştür. Bu ilişkide istisnacılık söylem ve siyasetini benimseyen bir ülke olarak Britanya, ada ülkesi olma halini ve adasallığını hem ulusal kimliğin oluşumuna dahil etmiş hem de Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu/Avrupa Birliği politikalarının dışında kalma ya da bunu talep etme meşruiyetini sağlamak için kullanmıştır. Meşruiyetini coğrafyanın doğal ve verili olması kabulünden alan Britanya adasallığının istisnacılık söylem ve siyasetine nasıl bir katkı yaptığı bu çalışmanın temel araştırma sorusudur. Sosyal bilimlerin coğrafi incelemelerindeki tarihsel boşluğu doldurmaya çalışan eleştirel jeopolitik perspektifin kullanıldığı bu çalışmada, araştırma sorusunun cevaplanması için Britanya Parlamentosu'ndaki milletvekillerinin Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu/Avrupa Birliği üyelik dönemi boyunca yaptıkları konuşmalar "ada ülkesi olma hali" temelinde incelenmiştir. Bu doğrultuda incelenen söylem örneklerinin Britanya kimliğini Avrupa'nın karşıtı olarak yeniden üretme amacının yanı sıra, Ortak Balıkçılık Politikası ile sınır ve göç politikaları gibi alanlarda istisnacı bir yaklaşımla muafiyet meşruiyeti oluşturmaya katkı sağladığı söylenebilir.

U ovom radu nastojim ispitati osnovnu tezu o nastanku prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se pojavljuju kao poseban historijsko-empirijski model stranačke organizacije. Model prezidencijaliziranih stranaka ne predstavlja sljedeću fazu u postojećoj razvojnoj teoriji političkih stranaka koja bi označila kretanje prema još jednomu novom tipu stranke, niti mu se mogu pridodati značenja i vrijednosti novoga razvojnog tipa. Valjan je samo kao analitički model kojim se na historijskoj i empirijskoj razini može pratiti prilagodba suvremenih političkih stranaka zahtjevima socijalnih i političkih čimbenika za sve većom individualizacijom političkog života. Ono što prezidencijalizirane stranke čini specifičnim modelom upravo su ključne karakteristike snažne koncentracije moći u rukama stranačkog vođe i centralizacije procesa političkog odlučivanja, iz čega proizlaze njegova autonomija u formuliranju stranačkih politika, programa i izbornih strategija, neupitna dominacija nad svim razinama stranačke organizacije te rigidna hijerarhijska stranačka struktura. Komparativna analiza britanske Laburističke stranke, Španjolske socijalističke radničke stranke i Hrvatske demokratske zajednice nedvosmisleno je potvrdila glavnu hipotezu kojom je uspostavljena uzročna veza između složene kombinacije strukturnih i kontekstualnih čimbenika, koji su identificirani kao glavni pokretači prezidencijalizacijskih procesa, i nastanka prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se organizacijski prilagođavaju izazovima suvremenih demokracija. ; In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other. In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other.

Çalışmada Commonwealth'in ortaya çıkışı, "imaj" ve "gerçek" çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır. Britanyalı siyasilerce izlenen temkinli ve öngörülü politikalarının başarısı, Commonwealth'in ortaya çıkışında önemli bir rol üstlenmiştir. Ancak Commonwealth içerisinde "ortak" kelimesine vurgu yapılmasına rağmen bütçenin azlığı, lider ülkenin eksikliği ve kurumsal yapının yetersizliğinden ileri gelen sorunlar, üyelerinin gelişmesi ve sorun çözme noktasında Commonwealth'i etkisizleştirmektedir. Commonwealth'in mevcut etkisizliği artan bir varlık sorununu ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Bu noktada çalışmada Commonwealth'in geleceğine ilişkin görüşler "imaj" ve "gerçek" çerçevesinde analiz edilerek, çözüm önerileri sunulmaya çalışılmıştır. Özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde demokrasi, hukukun üstünlüğü ve insan hakları gibi değerlerin Commonwealth içerisinde ön plana çıkması, önemli bir gelişme olarak kabul edilebilir. Fakat zengin ve fakir ülkeler arasında değer paylaşımının yapılamaması, Commonwealth'in "imajı" "gerçeğe" dönüştüremediğini göstermektedir. Bu yönüyle çalışma, yalnızca Commonwealth'in ortaya çıkışını ve kurumsal yapısındaki değişimi açıklamayı amaç edinmemektedir. Buna ek olarak, Commonwealth'in yaşamakta olduğu sorunlar dikkate alınarak, Örgüt'ün dünya politikasında nasıl etkin hale getirilebileceği de incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın bütünlüğünün sağlanması ve Britanyalı siyasilerin Commonwealth üzerindeki politika tercihlerinin anlaşılması için İngiltere tarihi, Britanya İmparatorluğu'nun doğuşu, gelişimi ve dekolonizasyon süreci de çalışmanın konuları arasında yer almaktadır. ; This study discussed concepts of "image" and "reality" in the framework of emergence of Commonwealth. The success of the British politicians who pursued cautious and foresighted policy has played an important role in the emergence of the Commonwealth. But in the Commonwealth despite the emphasis on the word of "common" the Organization is ineffective for problem solving and development of its members due to problems as lack of budget, absence of leading country and insufficiency of institutional structures. The current ineffectiveness of Commonwealth creates a growing problem of existence. At this point this study tried to provide solutions on the future of the Commonwealth based on concepts of "image" and "reality". Values such as democracy, rule of law and human rights come into prominence especially after the Cold War in the Commonwealth can be considered as an important development. But failure of allocation of values between rich and poor countries indicates us the Commonwealth is not able to convert "image" into "reality". With this aspect this study does not aspire to examine only the emergence of the Commonwealth and the institutional structure change within the Organization. In addition this study discusses how to make the Commonwealth effective in world politics considering the current problems of it. Ensuring the integrity of the study and to better understand British politician's policy preferences on the Commonwealth, the history of England, the foundation of the British Empire and decolonization process are also among the topics of this study.

The Westphalian system refers to the shifting of the supreme political authority from medieval practices to modern sovereign states and related concepts such as sovereignty, non-intervention, and international law. While the system has shaped the Western political environment since 1648, it has in fact not been validated for the rest of the world. In this paper, the idea that the Westphalian system has not opened a new avenue in the discipline of International Relations is exemplified by the case of the British occupation of the Mosul Vilayet. Contrary to the terms of the Mudros Armistice and Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, the British illegally occupied Mosul. The occupation was a clear violation of the Westphalian principles and thus the British mandate regime encountered resistance from both the Ottoman Empire and further the Republic of Türkiye. Despite all resistance, Mosul was ceded to the Iraqi government under the British mandate after the war.