Suchergebnisse

A maioria dos países integrantes do Fórum das Ilhas do Pacífico(1) foi colônia ou protetorado britânico. Essa condição resultou na transposição de leis britânicas relativas à saúde pública que necessitam de revisão e reforma. Estes países também contam com uma rica tradição de direito consuetudinário e métodos de organização social anteriores à experiência colonial(2). Acrescente-se a esse ambiente legal pluralista, o fato de que todos os países do Pacífico ratificaram tratados de direitos humanos internacionais ou tratados que criam obrigações no direito internacional em relação à saúde. ; Most Pacific Island countries which are members of the Pacific Islands Forum have a history as British colonies or protectorates. This delivers a legacy of transplanted British style public health laws from the first half of the twentieth century, which are out of date and in need of review and reform. Pacific Island countries also have a rich tradition of customary laws and methods of social organisation predating their colonial experience. Added to this pluralist legal environment, all Pacific countries have ratified some international human rights treaties or treaties creating obligations at international law in relation to health.

This article aims to study how the writer and journalist Jose Valentim de (1857-1911) lived the tumultuous period that immediately followed the British Ultimatum of January 1890. We present his perspectives on the itself and on the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of August 1890, as well as on the governmental plans for African colonization, on Portuguese diplomacy, and on the reaction of the Portuguese peoples in the face of those events. The texts published by in Os Gatos and in Bordalo Pinheiro's Pontos nos ii were the primary sources used in the analysis. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to uncover part of Kenneth Waltz forgotten legacy. By asking why the Professor of Columbia University disregarded "democracy" as an important variable to understand relations among states it recovers a book from 1967 -- Foreign Policy and Democratic Politics: the American and British Experience -- where Waltz argues that there are more similarities than differences between liberal and autocratic states. Re-reading this book also allows bridging the gap between Waltz's most famous works (Man, the State and War and Theory of International Politics) contributing to the understanding of the academic path of one of the most brilliant scholars of the 20th century. Adapted from the source document.

The global expansion of capitalism under American hegemony in the second half of the 20th century has changed the international division of labor and center-periphery scheme proposed under British hegemony. Under the new international division of labor, the United States is forced to generate an ever growing deficit in their trade account in order to accommodate the "mercantilist" expansion of Asian countries, produced by the trans-nationalization of big capital, under American aegis. This form of global economic articulation is at the root of the rupture of the Bretton Woods system and the growing financial liberalization imposed by the hegemonic power over other countries since the 80s. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

European societies have always been multicultural in the most basic sense of the term, which includes the concept of multinational societies. What is new for contemporary European societies is that they are now multicultural in a second sense, insofar as they are poly-ethnic societies. The article argues that it is not the place of the state to privilege certain ethnic groups over others, nor is it the place of the state to define ethnic groups in any manner distinct from how they define themselves. Thus, specific cultural distinctions can neither be manufactured nor ignored. Special attention is given to the British multicultural model, which seeks to maintain & balance the different political & cultural identities & needs of ethnic groups. References. R. Young

This is an interview with the British journalist Anatol Lieven, centering on international issues. The topics discussed include the prospects for democracy in the Middle East, the lack of a clear strategy in Iraq on the part of the Bush administration, & the implications of Iran's entry into the nuclear club. In discussing extremism, Lieven addresses the possibility that democratic processes in various countries will be manipulated by extremist groups in order to undermine democracy itself, the lessons to be learned from the French experience in Algeria in the early 1960s, & contemporary complications in the relationship between the US & Saudi Arabia, which has been accused of indirectly sponsoring extremist groups. The interview also contains an extended discussion of the current role of the US in international affairs. R. Young

This is a discussion of the recent French rejection of the proposed European constitution, looking at the reasons some of the French voted in favor of it & others against it. The motives of the French middle class are assessed, with the conclusion that a nervousness about unemployment led these French voters to opt for protectionism rather than the constitution. The effects of the French vote are also analyzed, both in terms of domestic & European politics. Domestically, the negative vote meant political trouble for President Jacques Chirac, while internationally, the negative vote isolated France to a certain extent within the EU, though France continues to hold a central political & economic position within Europe. The article concludes with some thoughts on the effects of the vote on France's relations with the current British government of Tony Blair. R. Young

This article aims on reflecting on the teaching process of the English language in Brazil starting from a perspective that contemplates the sociocultural factors and also the linguistic factors that might influence the learning of a foreign language. Weinreich, Labov and Herzog (2006 [1968]) see any linguistic changes as the result of a process of linguistic fit between variables internal to the linguistic system and those external to it (i.e. socioeconomic factors). Issues such as the Brazilian basic education system, proficiency evaluation, use of English with other speakers, and literacy issues can be considered as extralinguistic factors (external to the language, but which exert influence in it) that along with linguistic system factors, such as Interlanguage, can lead Brazilian speakers to develop a "Brazilian English" (in comparison toterms known as "British English" or "American English"), or to use this language as "lingua franca", to ensure that the purpose of any message is passed on.

Com o dito latino Hic rhodus hic saltus, referido no prefácio da sua Filosofia do Direito, pretendia Hegel sublinhar que cabe à filosofia estudar o que é, o real, e não o que deveria ser. Nos anos 60 do século XX, o real era, para os estudos culturais ingleses, a revolução cultural em curso desde os finais da II Guerra Mundial, e que tornava crucial o estudo de questões como as da relação entre cultura e poder, cultura popular e cultura de massa, homogeneidade cultural e diversidade cultural. As reflexões dos autores dos estudos culturais, ingleses e outos, em relação a estas questões, continuam hoje a ser cruciais e, diríamos mesmo, mais cruciais do que nunca. Partindo do trabalho levado a cabo pelos estudos culturais no domínio da cultura, o presente artigo reflete sobre as condições de uma democracia que respeite a pluralidade e a diferença das culturas, não só a nível do estado nacional, hoje em profunda mudança, mas também a nível mundial/global. De forma algo anacrónica, deixamos Hegel e a sua ancoragem ao real para regressarmos a Kant e ao seu ideal de uma sociedade cosmopolita. ; Through the Latin saying Hic rhodus hic saltus, mentioned in the preface of his Philosophy of Right, Hegel intended to emphasise that it is Philosophy's duty to study what is real, rather than what ought to be. During the 60's of the 20th century, what was real was, as far as British Cultural Studies were concerned, the cultural revolution ongoing since the end of the II World War, which made critical the study of such issues as the relationship between culture and power, popular culture and mass culture, cultural homogeneity and cultural diversity. The considerations on these issues produced by cultural studies' authors – British and otherwise – remain crucial today, perhaps more so than ever. Setting the work carried through by cultural studies in the domain of culture, this paper aims to reflect upon the condition of a democracy that respects plurality and cultural differences, not only at national state level – presently undergoing deep changes – but also at a global level. In order to do so, we will somewhat anachronistically move beyond Hegel and his tethering to the real by returning to Kant and his ideal for a cosmopolitan society.

Com o dito latino Hic rhodus hic saltus, referido no prefácio da sua Filosofia do Direito, pretendia Hegel sublinhar que cabe à filosofia estudar o que é, o real, e não o que deveria ser. Nos anos 60 do século XX, o real era, para os estudos culturais ingleses, a revolução cultural em curso desde os finais da II Guerra Mundial, e que tornava crucial o estudo de questões como as da relação entre cultura e poder, cultura popular e cultura de massa, homogeneidade cultural e diversidade cultural. As reflexões dos autores dos estudos culturais, ingleses e outos, em relação a estas questões, continuam hoje a ser cruciais e, diríamos mesmo, mais cruciais do que nunca. Partindo do trabalho levado a cabo pelos estudos culturais no domínio da cultura, o presente artigo reflete sobre as condições de uma democracia que respeite a pluralidade e a diferença das culturas, não só a nível do estado nacional, hoje em profunda mudança, mas também a nível mundial/global. De forma algo anacrónica, deixamos Hegel e a sua ancoragem ao real para regressarmos a Kant e ao seu ideal de uma sociedade cosmopolita. ; Through the Latin saying Hic rhodus hic saltus, mentioned in the preface of his Philosophy of Right, Hegel intended to emphasise that it is Philosophy's duty to study what is real, rather than what ought to be. During the 60's of the 20th century, what was real was, as far as British Cultural Studies were concerned, the cultural revolution ongoing since the end of the II World War, which made critical the study of such issues as the relationship between culture and power, popular culture and mass culture, cultural homogeneity and cultural diversity. The considerations on these issues produced by cultural studies' authors – British and otherwise – remain crucial today, perhaps more so than ever. Setting the work carried through by cultural studies in the domain of culture, this paper aims to reflect upon the condition of a democracy that respects plurality and cultural differences, not only at national state level – presently undergoing deep changes – but also at a global level. In order to do so, we will somewhat anachronistically move beyond Hegel and his tethering to the real by returning to Kant and his ideal for a cosmopolitan society.

General introduction to the ReportAGES series --Introduction /Andrew Griffiths --Henry Morton Stanley, Excerpts --An Anglo-American encounter in Africa : Henry M. Stanley in Abyssinia, 1868 /Andrew Griffiths --La Unión Ilustrada excerpts --The Moroccan war in the Spanish illustrated magazine La Unión Ilustrada : between photojournalism and literary journalism, 1909-1927 /Juan Antonio García Galindo, Antonio Cuartero Naranjo --Ramón J. Sender, excerpt --Mensonge journalistique et vérité romanesque : trois regards espagnols sur la guerre du Maroc /José María Lozano Maneiro --Martinho Simões, excerpt --Outsiders looking in : early days of the Angolan wars in Diário de Notícias /Alice Trindade --Frederick Forsyth, excerpt --A people betrayed," Forsyth, Vonnegut and literary journalism as criticism of British and American policy in Biafra /Christopher Griffin --Ryszard Kapuściński, integrating reporter : towards his Africa and his particular way of writing /Aleksandra Wiktorowska --Philip Gourevitch, excerpt --O jornalismo literário e a dor na terra esquecida /Juan Domingues --Patrick Deville and Jean Hatzfeld, excerpts --Métaphores guerrières sous pression africaine : à la recherche des métaphores d'exception dans la presse couvrant les grands conflits africains /Ivan Gros.

Portugal negotiated a Common Market trade agreement in 1972 & joined the EEC in 1986. Less known are the attempts to negotiate EEC association status in 1962 & in 1970. The decisive factor in determining an active role in European integration was to guarantee economic development &, thereby, social stability & the survival of the Estado Novo dictatorship. During the period studied, & indeed from 1945 onwards, no creditable development policy alternatives to active links with Europe were seriously put forward, & the colonies were not a rival policy option, but a subordinate policy option to Europe. The article also argues that the autocratic & colonialist Salazar & Caetano governments, as well as the democratically elected governments after 1974, adopted similar European policy options -- seeking future membership of the Common Market. It concludes that Portugal's post-war European integration policy was similar to other British-led OEEC members that initially rejected the political objectives of the Common Market but for economic reasons -- &, in the case of Portugal, after 1974, also for political reasons -- eventually became members. References. Adapted from the source document.

Parliamentary websites have become the main window of parliament to the outside world. More than a gimmick, they are an essential element in the promotion of a relationship between parliament and citizens. This paper develops a comparative analysis of the websites of the lower chambers of the Brazilian and the British parliaments, respectively the Chamber of Deputies and the House of Commons. We structure this analysis around three dimensions: 1) information about the institution; 2) information about parliamentary activity; and 3) tools to promote engagement with the public. The choice of two very different case studies enables us to consider more clearly the specific purposes of these parliamentary websites. We consider in particular if these parliaments' institutional differences affect their websites. The websites' analysis is complemented by semi-structured elite interviews with parliamentary staff who manage the services provided by these websites. Our analysis shows that both websites achieve much higher levels of complexity in the information area than in engagement. But it also shows that the Brazilian parliament website includes far more tools designed for public interaction than its UK counterpart. The indexes and interviews show that both institutions are highly committed to disseminating data and information to citizens. This is seen as a path towards achieving higher accountability and improving knowledge about parliamentary processes and, consequently, improving public image and levels of trust. Whilst there is a strong focus on the provision of information, there is still little evidence of enabling citizen participation in the legislative process. This is partly due to a tension between conceptions of representative democracy and those of participatory democracy. The articulation between these different types of democracy still has a long way to be resolved, although parliaments are slowly introducing participatory tools.

Esta pesquisa analisou o Brexit em uma perspectiva histórica, focando a conturbada relação entre a Europa continental e o Reino Unido ao longo do século XX, com ênfase no período pós Segunda Guerra Mundial. Foi utilizado o conceito de path dependency para argumentar sobre o papel de fatores históricos e decisões do passado, embora tomados em outras circunstâncias, ainda com força para influenciar o presente, para entender o Brexit. A premissa básica que será apresentada no ensaio é que o Reino Unido nunca participou de fato da ideia da Europa e sempre se viu como um país diferente por sua história e seu papel no mundo. Quando entrou, foi com uma perna só, a outra sempre ficou atrás, inclusive devido às especificidades de sua estrutura econômica herdada do passado, em particular no que diz respeito à agricultura. Desta forma, defende-se que, embora longe de ter sido inevitável, se tratou de um fenômeno limitado ao Reino Unido que tinha pouquíssima probabilidade de se repetir em outros países da União Europeia. ; This research analyzed Brexit in a historical perspective, focusing on the specific relation between continental Europe and the United Kingdom during the XX Century, with emphasis on the period after the Second World War. The concept of path dependency was used to explore the historical factors and decision taken in the past, which, although in different circumstances, still influence the present and are useful to understand the Brexit. The basic premises that will be presented is that the UK in fact never identified itself with the idea of Europe as developed by the Continental members. It always saw itself as a country with a different history and a different role in the world. When it got its membership, the country only entered with one leg, keeping the other always outside. This also reflects the different configuration of its economic structure, specifically with regard to agriculture. By this, although not at all inevitable, it will be defended that we are dealing with a very British phenomenon which had extremely little chance to be repeated by other countries of the European Union.

This article presents some aspects of the work of the British researcher Tony Bennett (1988, 1998, 2008, 2011) about cultural policy and artistic field. The author adopts Foucault's (2016) concept on governmentality and suggests the encounter between post-Kantian aesthetics and liberal thought at the end of the eighteenth century allowed for the arts and cultures to be understood as a governmental field. This trend can be seen in the development of cultural policies, particularly those starting from the middle of the twentieth century, and, more recently, in the spread of the concept of creative economy. We further elaborate on Foucault's thought, especially on entrepreneurship and human capital. The hypothesis is that one of the factors that transforms art circuits into a matter of concern in contemporary society is the manner how artists invest their own life into artistic production. Interest groups are multiplied and struggle for better work conditions and public policies. On the other hand, networks run the risk of limiting themselves to their own circuits, thus fragmenting the cultural field. The challenge is to turn art and culture into a common good, which is part of the population's daily life. ; Este artigo apresenta alguns aspectos da obra do pesquisador inglês Tony Bennett (1988, 1998, 2008, 2011) sobre as políticas culturais e os circuitos artísticos. O autor adota o conceito de governamentalidade, proposto por Foucault (2016), e sugere que o encontro da estética pós-kantiana com o pensamento liberal, no final do século XVIII, criou condições para que as artes e a cultura passassem a ser vistas como um campo de governo. Essa tendência é visível no desenvolvimento das políticas culturais, especialmente a partir de meados do século XX e, mais recentemente, na difusão do conceito de economia criativa. Em seguida, a proposta é avançar sobre o pensamento de Foucault (2008), especialmente sobre as noções de empreendedorismo e capital humano. A hipótese é que um dos fatores que faz dos circuitos da arte um foco de interesse na sociedade atual é a maneira como os artistas investem a própria vida na criação de suas obras. Com isso, multiplicam-se grupos de interesse, que lutam por melhores condições de trabalho e políticas públicas. Por outro lado, corre-se o risco de que as redes se fechem em seus próprios circuitos, fragmentando o campo cultural. O desafio é fazer com que as artes e a cultura se transformem, de fato, em um bem comum, que faça parte do cotidiano da população.