Suchergebnisse

Gibraltar – ein 6,5 km² kleines Stück Land an der Südspitze der iberischen Halbinsel, britische Kronkolonie und immer wieder Herd für Kontroversen zwischen Großbritannien und Spanien. An diesem vom Rest Europas fast vergessenen Ort konkurrieren neben Fragen nach der politischen Souveränität auch die Sprachen Spanisch und Englisch miteinander. Dieses Ringen ist bislang von der Sprachwissenschaft wenig beachtet und nur spärlich dokumentiert. Es schlägt sich unter anderem im Code-Switching nieder, dem Hin- und Herwechseln zwischen den beiden Sprachen. Eng verknüpft mit diesem Phänomen ist die sozialpsychologische Frage, ob dessen Auftreten bzw. der Gebrauch der dazugehörigen Techniken identitätsstiftend für seine Sprechergemeinschaft ist. Die vorliegende Dissertation konzentriert sich daher zum einen auf die strukturelle Analyse des Code-Switching, zum anderen darauf aufzuspüren, wie sich die gibraltarische Bevölkerung durch die ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Sprachen positioniert, also Identität konstruiert und immer wieder neu verhandelt. Die Leistung dieser Arbeit ist es, verschiedene Modelle und Konzepte, die bislang nicht auf eine Mehrsprachigkeitssituation angewandt wurden, miteinander zu kombinieren und gewinnbringend einzusetzen, sodass ein differenziertes Bild der gibraltarischen Sprechergemeinschaft entsteht. Die Verknüpfung verschiedener Herangehensweisen und Fragestellungen ist innovativ und das zusammengestellte Material einzigartig in seiner Breite und Qualität, sodass die Analyse der Daten von hohem Erkenntniswert ist.

Description based on: 1926. ; Title varies slightly. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Este estudio observa la evolución histórica del Movimiento Cooperativo británico y cómo de una posición en la que se declaraba neutralidad política, pasó a una posición en la que buscó representación directa en el Parlamento a través del Partido Cooperativo. Esto condujo a un acuerdo electoral formal entre este último y el Partido Laboral, el cual se convirtió en un jugador dominante en la política británica post Segunda Guerra Mundial (de 1945 en adelante). Como tema secundario, el estudio revisa ejemplos de conflicto entre trabajadores y la gerencia en sociedades de cooperativas de consumo. Tales conflictos han ocurrido intermitentemente en la historia cooperativa, a pesar de que el movimiento cooperativo se integrara a la trinidad del movimiento laborista británico: las cooperativas, el Partido Laborista y el movimiento sindical. El asunto discutido en última instancia es la relevancia del vínculo entre los partidos Laborista y Cooperativo en la implementación de legislación que otorgara más derechos a las cooperativas y organizaciones similares, tales como cajas de ahorro. Esta asociación también está conduciendo a mayores desarrollos a nivel gubernamental tales como la introducción de escuelas cooperativas. ; This paper looks at the historical evolution of the British Co-operative movement and how from a position in which it asserted political neutrality it moved to a position in which it sought direct representation in Parliament through a Co-operative Party. This led to a formal electoral agreement between the latter and the Labour Party, which became a dominant player in post Second World War British politics (1945 onwards). As a second theme the paper looks at examples of conflict between workers and the management in consumer co-operative societies. Such conflicts have occurred intermittently in co-operative history despite the co-operative movement becoming part of the trinity of the British labour movement, the Co-operatives, the Labour Party and the trade union movement. The final issue discussed is the relevance of the link between the Labour and Co-operative parties in implementing legislation giving further rights to co-operatives and similar organisations such as credit unions. This partnership is also leading to further developments at governmental level such as the introduction of co-operative schools. ; 11-22 ; jmdrewery@talktalk.net ; semestral

Save British Science Society (SBS). (1998). Políticas para el próximo gobierno en el área de ciencia y tecnología : Memorándum de Save British Science Society ( SBS ), marzo de 1996. Redes, 5(12), 77-110. ; Save British Science ( SBS ) es un grupo de acción en favor de la ciencia, entendida en su más amplio sentido, incorporando la ingeniería, la medicina y la tecnología, y con raíces en el ámbito académico. Desde su fundación –en 1986– SBS ha procurado interpretar el lugar que ocupa la ciencia en un contexto más amplio, que va desde los establecimientos de enseñanza hasta el uso de la ciencia que hace la industria para crear riqueza, y el logro de una mejor calidad de vida. SBS ha establecido buenos contactos tanto con la industria como con el sector financiero: industriales de primera línea forman parte del Consejo Consultivo de SBS y otros han participado en simposios organizados por la entidad. ; The Science and Engineering Research Base, the quality of the scientists and engineers working in the UK science and engineering research base is outstanding, and a national asset, but their potential is not being realised. Given adequate Government funding there is a unique opportunity for Britain to become The Laboratory of Europe, continuing our great tradition for discovery and forming a basis on which to build, and attract, high-tech, high value-added industries. As a nation Britain has been an under-achived. We must raise our horizons, become more professional at all levels. The re are only two options for Britain: become smarter or poorer.

This paper briefly surveys the ways in which historians have studied the evolution of British business in Latin America.In the 1970s and 1980s research was dominated by questions of power, imperialism and dependency rather thanorthodox business history themes. The latter made their way into the subject from the 1980s when historians began toaddress issues of structure, organisation and governance in British firms in Latin America, and in particular utilise the conceptsof 'free-standing companies' and 'investment groups'. More recently they have used ideas from international humanresource management and international political economy, and the growth in the employment of business historians inbusiness and management schools is likely to further encourage such approaches.Keywords: British business, Latin America, historiography, business imperialism

Politicians resort to euphemism as a safe way to deal with unpleasant subjects and criticize their opponents without giving a negative impression to their audiences. In this regard, it is my purpose to gain an insight into the way euphemism is used by politicians from Norfolk and Suffolk both at word and sentence level using a sample of the regional newspaper Eastern Daily Press, published in Norwich (UK). To this end, I will rely on the frameworks of critical-political discourse analysis (Van Dijk 1993, 1997; Wilson 2001), pragmatic theory, particularly politeness and facework (Brown and Levinson 1987), and Cognitive Metaphor Theory (Lakoff 1993). The results obtained reveal that euphemism plays an important role in the self-promotion of regional politicians, who employ euphemism mostly by understatement, litotes and underspecification for a variety of purposes, namely sensitivity to audience concerns, avoidance of expressions that can be perceived to marginalize socially disadvantaged groups, polite criticism and mitigation even concealment of unsettling topics.

One of the thorniest issues that contemporary scholars of British India are faced with is that of the genesis of the Indian National Congress (1885). While some of them believe that the foundation of this first major political party on an all-India basis was an inevitable corollary of the circumstances that prevailed in the South Asian Sub-continent as a result of British Raj, others have held opposing views. In fact, the latter, while championing the "safety-valve" theory, are convinced that the birth of this political organization was nothing more than a British stratagem aimed at forestalling an imminent popular uprising among the colonial subjects. Thus, the aim of this article is to set out the views and arguments of both camps of scholars.

Throughout most of the last 150 years milk in Britain has been an example of modernity in food production. It became a mass-produced, industrial product, with high volume, rapid tur nover, but limited choice. To modify Henry Ford's humorous dictum, you could have any kind of milk you wanted as long as it was white and about 3% fat (Ford, 1923: 72). It is only in the last two or three decades that drinking-milk in Britain has become differentiated into the many different lines we see today: reduced fat, sweetened, flavoured, for tified, and so on. The pur pose of the paper is to look at the evolution of milk quality since the late nineteenth centur y and to suggest that today's milk is the result of many histor ical developments. These include the breeding of the modern dair y cow, the changing organization of the milk industr y, advances in processing technology, the identification of bacteriolog ical risk, and the increased involvement of state-inspired regulation and the law. Until 1993 the British experience was very different from that in other countries but the regulator y framework of the European Union has encouraged convergence. It remains to be seen whether Brexit will open a new chapter in British milk quality. ; A lo largo de la mayor parte de los últimos 150 años, la leche ha sido en Gran Bretaña un ejemplo de modernidad en la producción de alimentos. Se convirtió en un producto industrial, fabricado en masa, con volúmenes grandes y ventas rápidas, pero escasa elección. Modificando el dicho humorístico de Henry Ford, podías tener el tipo de leche que quisieras siempre que fuera blanca y con aproximadamente un 3% de grasa (Ford, 1923: 72). Es sólo en las últimas dos o tres décadas cuando la leche líquida ha experimentado en Gran Bretaña la diferenciación hacia las muchas líneas que vemos hoy: baja en grasa, endulzada, con sabores, enriquecida, entre otras. El propósito de este artículo es estudiar la evolución de la calidad de la leche desde finales del siglo xix y sugerir que la leche de hoy es el resultado de numerosos desarrollos históricos. Estos incluyen la crianza de la vaca lechera moderna, la cambiante organización de la industria láctea, los avances en la tecnología de procesamiento, la identificación del riesgo bacteriológico, y la creciente participación tanto de la regulación inspirada por el Estado como de la ley. Hasta 1993, la experiencia británica fue muy diferente de la de otros países, pero el marco regulatorio de la Unión Europea ha favorecido una convergencia. Queda por ver si el Brexit abrirá un nuevo capítulo en la calidad de la leche en Gran Bretaña.

The main goal of this paper is to analyse the mitigation strategies politicians use in parliament. We will compare the different strategies that two different head of states use in their speeches. Specifically, we will study the speeches uttered by Mr. Cameron (Ex-Prime Minister of the United Kingdom) and Mr. Rajoy (President of Spain). Both of them delivered speeches that dealt with, among other subjects, the European Council. When dealing with mitigation strategies, Fraser and Caffi say that there are "shields" that "dislocate," "displace" or "de-focalize" the source of the utterance. These displacement strategies are related to any of the three basic components of the deictic expressions: the "actantial" and the spatiotemporal component. In this specific corpus, we will analyse the role of the first person plural pronouns as mitigation strategies. As we will see, in both cases we could observe a dislocation of the action but they go in different directions depending on the nationality of the head of the government. In the case of the British Ex-Prime Minister the dislocation is going inwards (House of Commons and British citizens) and in the case of the Spanish President is going outwards (EU) ; El objetivo principal de este trabajo es analizar las estrategias de mitigación que los políticos usan en el parlamento. Compararemos las diferentes estrategias que dos diferentes jefes de estado utilizan en sus discursos. Específicamente, estudiaremos los discursos pronunciados por el Sr. Cameron (Ex Primer Ministro del Reino Unido) y el Sr. Rajoy (Presidente de España). Ambos pronunciaron discursos que abordaron, entre otros temas, el Consejo Europeo. Cuando se trata de estrategias de mitigación, Fraser y Caffi dicen que hay «escudos» que «dislocan», «desplazan» o «desfocalizan» la fuente del enunciado. Estas estrategias de desplazamiento se relacionan con cualquiera de los tres componentes básicos de las expresiones deícticas: el actantial y el componente espacio-temporal. En este corpus específico, analizaremos el papel de los pronombres plurales de primera persona como estrategias de mitigación. Como veremos, en ambos casos podemos observar una dislocación de la acción pero van en diferentes direcciones dependiendo de la nacionalidad del jefe del gobierno. En el caso del Ex Primer Ministro británico la dislocación va hacia adentro (Cámara de los Comunes y ciudadanos británicos) y en el caso del presidente español va hacia fuera (la UE)

The paper examines the ends and the changing content of the british urban planning system between 1969 and 1989. After an introduction detailing the historical roots of the system in the '40s, the paper moves on to consider the principal features of the two decades in question. The '70s are here held to have been a period in which, with its strategic briefing documents, an attempt was made to put Structure Plans into practice, this in a context of regional inequalities and sluggish local planning. The '80s are seen as having been marked by the attack on urban planning made by the Central Government with its backing of any de-regulating moves and favouring of free market forces. Despite this, the '90s are seen as showing a rebirth of a more positive thinking with respect to city planning. This in itself could be held to be part of a rediscovering of the importance that city planning has as part of any overall process of public administration favourable to enviromental change. ; Este artículo examina el cometido y el contenido cambiantes dcl sistema de planeamiento urbanístico británico entre 1969 y 1989. Tras una introducción sobre las hases históricas del sistema en la década de 1940, el estudio se orienta a la consideración de las características principales de Ias dos décadas apuntadas. La de 1970 está considerada como un período de esfuerzos para aplicar la idea de los Structure plans (planes estructurales), en tanto que documentos de orientación estratégica, sobre un trasfondo de un crecimiento económico regional desequilibrado y con un relativamente lento progreso de Local plans (planes locales). La década de 1980 se considera caracterizada por el desafío que el concepto del sistema de Planes de Urbanismo sufre por parte de Ins criterios del Gobierno nacional, el cual Favorece Ias políticas de desregulación y de orientación al mercado. Sin embargo, al comienzo de los noventa están aflorando políticas y conceptos más positivos sobre los Planes de Urbanismo. Estas políticas pueden considerarse como parte de un «redescubrimiento» del cometido del planeamiento urbanístico como una parte valiosa del proceso general de gestión pública del cambio medioambiental.

"Britain and Spain led the two greatest Empires of the modern era, with perhaps the most important legacy that their two languages are amongst the most widely spoken in the modern world. Yet the relationship between these two cultural giants has not always been straightforward. The founding of the British-Spanish Society has its origins in 1916 as the Anglo-Spanish Society, which was founded during the First World War by a group of British academics, students and businessmen. It was a means of reaching out in social, cultural and trade friendship with their Spanish counterparts at a time when Spain's official neutrality seemed to be edging closer towards Germany. It was subsequently known as the Anglo-Spanish League of Friendship, and finally the British-Spanish Society, its members continued to promote these objectives after that particular war had come to an end. Much has changed since then, with an ever-shifting political and diplomatic environment affecting the relations between Britain and Spain, but throughout this the core values of the Society have remained constant. This fascinating book tells the story of an organisation at the heart of the relationship between two of Europe's major powers. It will be compulsory reading for those interested in the process of 'soft diplomacy' but above all for those interested in the relationship between Spain and Britain."--Back cover

This article examines a re-discovered printed view of the Plaza Mayor of Madrid from around 1623 by the Italian artist, Antonio Manzelli. The print survives in the British Library in London, having been part of the royal collection of George III. The article analyzes the print for the empirical evidence it affords about the appearance of the Plaza Mayor at the time of its completion, and also for the rich textual evidence it offers. In the text, Madrid is celebrated as the achievement of a well-organized municipal government who serve the city's needs and a benevolent ruler who provides Madrid with a gift worthy of the gods' admiration. The Plaza Mayor is, thus, the embodiment of good government. ; Este artículo examina una estampa recién descubierta con una vista de la Plaza mayor de Madrid de hacia 1623, realizada por el artista italiano Antonio Manzelli. La obra se conserva en la British Library de Londres, habiendo formado antes parte de la colección del rey Jorge III. El artículo analiza la estampa, considerando tanto lo que nos enseña del aspecto de la plaza inmediatamente después de su terminación, como lo quenos explica el texto que la acompaña. En el texto, se elogia a Madrid como la obra de un gobierno municipal bien organizado que sirve a las necesidades de la ciudad, y como obra de un líder benévolo que ofrece a los dioses un regalo digno de su admiración. La Plaza Mayor se convierte así en un poderoso símbolo de buen gobierno.

Upon taking the reins of power in the South Asian Sub-continent, the East India Company officials, being aware of how sensitive Indians were of their socio-cultural traditions, adopted a policy of "non-interference" and kept aloof from all matters related to the socio-cultural and religious affairs of the local inhabitants. Instead, they busied themselves with the economic exploitation of the country, the objective for which they had come to the region.Nevertheless, following a vociferous clamour and pressure from the Christian missionaries who regarded the Indian people as "primitive" and "benighted", and who felt duty bound to "civilize" them, the British Government in London forced the East India Company in 1813 to forsake its, hitherto privileged, "no-interference policy" and give the evangelical movement unrestricted access to the country as an essential precondition for the renewal of the charter.Thus, upon setting foot in the Sub-continent, the missionaries, and even some British reform-minded officials, embarked on the process of reforming, as well as westernizing, the Indian society. Although some of the reforms being introduced were, when looked at objectively, positive, they were always despised by the native Indians. Indeed, this brought about a widespread malaise among the natives who interpreted the Company's actions as part of a scheme to forcefully convert them to Christianity. Thus, the task of this paper is to set out this socio-cultural malaise.