Suchergebnisse

Gibraltar – ein 6,5 km² kleines Stück Land an der Südspitze der iberischen Halbinsel, britische Kronkolonie und immer wieder Herd für Kontroversen zwischen Großbritannien und Spanien. An diesem vom Rest Europas fast vergessenen Ort konkurrieren neben Fragen nach der politischen Souveränität auch die Sprachen Spanisch und Englisch miteinander. Dieses Ringen ist bislang von der Sprachwissenschaft wenig beachtet und nur spärlich dokumentiert. Es schlägt sich unter anderem im Code-Switching nieder, dem Hin- und Herwechseln zwischen den beiden Sprachen. Eng verknüpft mit diesem Phänomen ist die sozialpsychologische Frage, ob dessen Auftreten bzw. der Gebrauch der dazugehörigen Techniken identitätsstiftend für seine Sprechergemeinschaft ist. Die vorliegende Dissertation konzentriert sich daher zum einen auf die strukturelle Analyse des Code-Switching, zum anderen darauf aufzuspüren, wie sich die gibraltarische Bevölkerung durch die ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Sprachen positioniert, also Identität konstruiert und immer wieder neu verhandelt. Die Leistung dieser Arbeit ist es, verschiedene Modelle und Konzepte, die bislang nicht auf eine Mehrsprachigkeitssituation angewandt wurden, miteinander zu kombinieren und gewinnbringend einzusetzen, sodass ein differenziertes Bild der gibraltarischen Sprechergemeinschaft entsteht. Die Verknüpfung verschiedener Herangehensweisen und Fragestellungen ist innovativ und das zusammengestellte Material einzigartig in seiner Breite und Qualität, sodass die Analyse der Daten von hohem Erkenntniswert ist.

Description based on: 1926. ; Title varies slightly. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Este estudio observa la evolución histórica del Movimiento Cooperativo británico y cómo de una posición en la que se declaraba neutralidad política, pasó a una posición en la que buscó representación directa en el Parlamento a través del Partido Cooperativo. Esto condujo a un acuerdo electoral formal entre este último y el Partido Laboral, el cual se convirtió en un jugador dominante en la política británica post Segunda Guerra Mundial (de 1945 en adelante). Como tema secundario, el estudio revisa ejemplos de conflicto entre trabajadores y la gerencia en sociedades de cooperativas de consumo. Tales conflictos han ocurrido intermitentemente en la historia cooperativa, a pesar de que el movimiento cooperativo se integrara a la trinidad del movimiento laborista británico: las cooperativas, el Partido Laborista y el movimiento sindical. El asunto discutido en última instancia es la relevancia del vínculo entre los partidos Laborista y Cooperativo en la implementación de legislación que otorgara más derechos a las cooperativas y organizaciones similares, tales como cajas de ahorro. Esta asociación también está conduciendo a mayores desarrollos a nivel gubernamental tales como la introducción de escuelas cooperativas. ; This paper looks at the historical evolution of the British Co-operative movement and how from a position in which it asserted political neutrality it moved to a position in which it sought direct representation in Parliament through a Co-operative Party. This led to a formal electoral agreement between the latter and the Labour Party, which became a dominant player in post Second World War British politics (1945 onwards). As a second theme the paper looks at examples of conflict between workers and the management in consumer co-operative societies. Such conflicts have occurred intermittently in co-operative history despite the co-operative movement becoming part of the trinity of the British labour movement, the Co-operatives, the Labour Party and the trade union movement. The final issue discussed is the relevance of the link between the Labour and Co-operative parties in implementing legislation giving further rights to co-operatives and similar organisations such as credit unions. This partnership is also leading to further developments at governmental level such as the introduction of co-operative schools. ; 11-22 ; jmdrewery@talktalk.net ; semestral

Save British Science Society (SBS). (1998). Políticas para el próximo gobierno en el área de ciencia y tecnología : Memorándum de Save British Science Society ( SBS ), marzo de 1996. Redes, 5(12), 77-110. ; Save British Science ( SBS ) es un grupo de acción en favor de la ciencia, entendida en su más amplio sentido, incorporando la ingeniería, la medicina y la tecnología, y con raíces en el ámbito académico. Desde su fundación –en 1986– SBS ha procurado interpretar el lugar que ocupa la ciencia en un contexto más amplio, que va desde los establecimientos de enseñanza hasta el uso de la ciencia que hace la industria para crear riqueza, y el logro de una mejor calidad de vida. SBS ha establecido buenos contactos tanto con la industria como con el sector financiero: industriales de primera línea forman parte del Consejo Consultivo de SBS y otros han participado en simposios organizados por la entidad. ; The Science and Engineering Research Base, the quality of the scientists and engineers working in the UK science and engineering research base is outstanding, and a national asset, but their potential is not being realised. Given adequate Government funding there is a unique opportunity for Britain to become The Laboratory of Europe, continuing our great tradition for discovery and forming a basis on which to build, and attract, high-tech, high value-added industries. As a nation Britain has been an under-achived. We must raise our horizons, become more professional at all levels. The re are only two options for Britain: become smarter or poorer.

This paper briefly surveys the ways in which historians have studied the evolution of British business in Latin America.In the 1970s and 1980s research was dominated by questions of power, imperialism and dependency rather thanorthodox business history themes. The latter made their way into the subject from the 1980s when historians began toaddress issues of structure, organisation and governance in British firms in Latin America, and in particular utilise the conceptsof 'free-standing companies' and 'investment groups'. More recently they have used ideas from international humanresource management and international political economy, and the growth in the employment of business historians inbusiness and management schools is likely to further encourage such approaches.Keywords: British business, Latin America, historiography, business imperialism

Politicians resort to euphemism as a safe way to deal with unpleasant subjects and criticize their opponents without giving a negative impression to their audiences. In this regard, it is my purpose to gain an insight into the way euphemism is used by politicians from Norfolk and Suffolk both at word and sentence level using a sample of the regional newspaper Eastern Daily Press, published in Norwich (UK). To this end, I will rely on the frameworks of critical-political discourse analysis (Van Dijk 1993, 1997; Wilson 2001), pragmatic theory, particularly politeness and facework (Brown and Levinson 1987), and Cognitive Metaphor Theory (Lakoff 1993). The results obtained reveal that euphemism plays an important role in the self-promotion of regional politicians, who employ euphemism mostly by understatement, litotes and underspecification for a variety of purposes, namely sensitivity to audience concerns, avoidance of expressions that can be perceived to marginalize socially disadvantaged groups, polite criticism and mitigation even concealment of unsettling topics.

One of the thorniest issues that contemporary scholars of British India are faced with is that of the genesis of the Indian National Congress (1885). While some of them believe that the foundation of this first major political party on an all-India basis was an inevitable corollary of the circumstances that prevailed in the South Asian Sub-continent as a result of British Raj, others have held opposing views. In fact, the latter, while championing the "safety-valve" theory, are convinced that the birth of this political organization was nothing more than a British stratagem aimed at forestalling an imminent popular uprising among the colonial subjects. Thus, the aim of this article is to set out the views and arguments of both camps of scholars.

The geopolitical interests of Great Britain in Azerbaijan, as well as the policy of the Caucasus in general, are considered an integral part of the historical Eastern question. It is an undeniable fact that historically every great power has used various pretexts and factors to maintain its own imperialist policy. These factors can be observed in the geopolitical interests of the great powers in current events in the world. XX. at the beginning of the XIX century, Armenians were one of the main factors in the pursuit of Britain's geopolitical interests both in the Ottoman geography and in the South Caucasus. The priority of the UK was to decipher which nation among the various ethnic and religious groups in the Caucasus could seriously resist the Turks. They did not trust the Azerbaijani Turks, who sympathized with the Ottomans because they were Turks. In turn, the Azerbaijani Turks were very worried about the British assistance to the Armenians. This aid was even used by the Armenians to annoy the Azerbaijanis. These actions of the Armenians have created public opinion that the British government is pursuing an openly anti-Islamic policy. In this study, information is discussed that the UK plays a key role in the emergence of the Armenian problem and its transnational problems, including its expansionism, and uses Armenians as the main tool in its geopolitical interests in the South Caucasus.

Throughout most of the last 150 years milk in Britain has been an example of modernity in food production. It became a mass-produced, industrial product, with high volume, rapid tur nover, but limited choice. To modify Henry Ford's humorous dictum, you could have any kind of milk you wanted as long as it was white and about 3% fat (Ford, 1923: 72). It is only in the last two or three decades that drinking-milk in Britain has become differentiated into the many different lines we see today: reduced fat, sweetened, flavoured, for tified, and so on. The pur pose of the paper is to look at the evolution of milk quality since the late nineteenth centur y and to suggest that today's milk is the result of many histor ical developments. These include the breeding of the modern dair y cow, the changing organization of the milk industr y, advances in processing technology, the identification of bacteriolog ical risk, and the increased involvement of state-inspired regulation and the law. Until 1993 the British experience was very different from that in other countries but the regulator y framework of the European Union has encouraged convergence. It remains to be seen whether Brexit will open a new chapter in British milk quality. ; A lo largo de la mayor parte de los últimos 150 años, la leche ha sido en Gran Bretaña un ejemplo de modernidad en la producción de alimentos. Se convirtió en un producto industrial, fabricado en masa, con volúmenes grandes y ventas rápidas, pero escasa elección. Modificando el dicho humorístico de Henry Ford, podías tener el tipo de leche que quisieras siempre que fuera blanca y con aproximadamente un 3% de grasa (Ford, 1923: 72). Es sólo en las últimas dos o tres décadas cuando la leche líquida ha experimentado en Gran Bretaña la diferenciación hacia las muchas líneas que vemos hoy: baja en grasa, endulzada, con sabores, enriquecida, entre otras. El propósito de este artículo es estudiar la evolución de la calidad de la leche desde finales del siglo xix y sugerir que la leche de hoy es el resultado de numerosos desarrollos históricos. Estos incluyen la crianza de la vaca lechera moderna, la cambiante organización de la industria láctea, los avances en la tecnología de procesamiento, la identificación del riesgo bacteriológico, y la creciente participación tanto de la regulación inspirada por el Estado como de la ley. Hasta 1993, la experiencia británica fue muy diferente de la de otros países, pero el marco regulatorio de la Unión Europea ha favorecido una convergencia. Queda por ver si el Brexit abrirá un nuevo capítulo en la calidad de la leche en Gran Bretaña.

The main goal of this paper is to analyse the mitigation strategies politicians use in parliament. We will compare the different strategies that two different head of states use in their speeches. Specifically, we will study the speeches uttered by Mr. Cameron (Ex-Prime Minister of the United Kingdom) and Mr. Rajoy (President of Spain). Both of them delivered speeches that dealt with, among other subjects, the European Council. When dealing with mitigation strategies, Fraser and Caffi say that there are "shields" that "dislocate," "displace" or "de-focalize" the source of the utterance. These displacement strategies are related to any of the three basic components of the deictic expressions: the "actantial" and the spatiotemporal component. In this specific corpus, we will analyse the role of the first person plural pronouns as mitigation strategies. As we will see, in both cases we could observe a dislocation of the action but they go in different directions depending on the nationality of the head of the government. In the case of the British Ex-Prime Minister the dislocation is going inwards (House of Commons and British citizens) and in the case of the Spanish President is going outwards (EU) ; El objetivo principal de este trabajo es analizar las estrategias de mitigación que los políticos usan en el parlamento. Compararemos las diferentes estrategias que dos diferentes jefes de estado utilizan en sus discursos. Específicamente, estudiaremos los discursos pronunciados por el Sr. Cameron (Ex Primer Ministro del Reino Unido) y el Sr. Rajoy (Presidente de España). Ambos pronunciaron discursos que abordaron, entre otros temas, el Consejo Europeo. Cuando se trata de estrategias de mitigación, Fraser y Caffi dicen que hay «escudos» que «dislocan», «desplazan» o «desfocalizan» la fuente del enunciado. Estas estrategias de desplazamiento se relacionan con cualquiera de los tres componentes básicos de las expresiones deícticas: el actantial y el componente espacio-temporal. En este corpus específico, analizaremos el papel de los pronombres plurales de primera persona como estrategias de mitigación. Como veremos, en ambos casos podemos observar una dislocación de la acción pero van en diferentes direcciones dependiendo de la nacionalidad del jefe del gobierno. En el caso del Ex Primer Ministro británico la dislocación va hacia adentro (Cámara de los Comunes y ciudadanos británicos) y en el caso del presidente español va hacia fuera (la UE)