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Preliminary Material /Robert McCorquodale and Jean-Pierre Gauci -- Introduction – From Grotius to Higgins: British Influences on International Law 1915–2015 /Robert McCorquodale and Jean-Pierre Gauci -- The Influence of English Courts on the Development of International Law /Antonios Tzanakopoulos -- Marking Foreign Policy by Justice: The Legal Advisers to the Foreign Office, 1876–1953 /Kate Jones -- Britain and Europe: Managing Revolution /Philip Allott -- British Influences on the 'Ideals' of International Lawyers /Stephen Samuel -- British Influence on the Law of Treaties /Kasey McCall-Smith -- British Contributions to the Concept of Recognition during the Interwar Period: Williams, Baty and Lauterpacht /Martin Clark -- British Contribution to the Law on Immunity /Philippa Webb -- British Influence on the Law of the Sea 1915–2015 /David H. Anderson -- British Influences on International Environmental Law: The Case of Wildlife Conservation /Mario Prost and Yoriko Otomo -- The Influence of British Courts on the Jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights /Merris Amos -- The Contribution of British ngos to the Development of International Law /Nigel S. Rodley -- Britain's Influence on the Regulation of the Slave Trade in the Twentieth Century /Amina Adanan and Noelle Higgins -- Contributions of British International Lawyers to the Law on the Use of Force /Nicholas Tsagourias -- The British Influence on the Development of the Laws of War and the Punishment of War Criminals: From the Grotius Society to the United Nations War Crimes Commission /Matthew Garrod -- The British and the Nuremberg Trial /Shavana Musa -- British Contribution to the Law of Neutrality: Principle and Practice /James Upcher -- Historical Reflections on the Criminalisation of Terrorism under International Law from the League of Nations to R v Mohammed Gul: How Britain has Swollen the Tide of Obscurity /Anna Marie Brennan -- The Progressive Conception of International Law: Brierly and Lauterpacht in the InterbellumPeriod /Richard Collins -- International Law and the Illusion of Novelty: Georg Schwarzenberger /Robert Cryer -- Juridical Investigations: Martin Wight as International Lawyer /Gerry Simpson -- The Contribution of the uk Bar to International Law /Philippe Sands and Arman Sarvarian -- Index /Robert McCorquodale and Jean-Pierre Gauci.

It is often suggested that Britain has lost its great power status since the fall of Empire. Yet, whilst its military and economic power has undoubtedly been weakened, it continues to exert power and influence and to promote national interests via the exercise of both hard and soft power. Far from representing a novel strategy, this simultaneous deployment of both forms of power may be considered as a continuation of the dual imperial strategy of gunboat diplomacy and winning hearts and minds at home and abroad. Yet, the postcolonial era does represent some novelty: as was clear under the Conservative-led coalition and is now evident under a Conservative majority government, soft power is no longer exercised principally via cultural diplomacy, through, for example, the British Council, but increasingly via large companies which promote British economic and political interests through corporate imperialism.

International audience ; It is often suggested that Britain has lost its great power status since the fall of Empire. Yet, whilst its military and economic power has undoubtedly been weakened, it continues to exert power and influence and to promote national interests via the exercise of both hard and soft power. Far from representing a novel strategy, this simultaneous deployment of both forms of power may be considered as a continuation of the dual imperial strategy of gunboat diplomacy and winning hearts and minds at home and abroad. Yet, the postcolonial era does represent some novelty: as was clear under the Conservative-led coalition and is now evident under a Conservative majority government, soft power is no longer exercised principally via cultural diplomacy, through, for example, the British Council, but increasingly via large companies which promote British economic and political interests through corporate imperialism.

International audience ; It is often suggested that Britain has lost its great power status since the fall of Empire. Yet, whilst its military and economic power has undoubtedly been weakened, it continues to exert power and influence and to promote national interests via the exercise of both hard and soft power. Far from representing a novel strategy, this simultaneous deployment of both forms of power may be considered as a continuation of the dual imperial strategy of gunboat diplomacy and winning hearts and minds at home and abroad. Yet, the postcolonial era does represent some novelty: as was clear under the Conservative-led coalition and is now evident under a Conservative majority government, soft power is no longer exercised principally via cultural diplomacy, through, for example, the British Council, but increasingly via large companies which promote British economic and political interests through corporate imperialism.

International audience ; It is often suggested that Britain has lost its great power status since the fall of Empire. Yet, whilst its military and economic power has undoubtedly been weakened, it continues to exert power and influence and to promote national interests via the exercise of both hard and soft power. Far from representing a novel strategy, this simultaneous deployment of both forms of power may be considered as a continuation of the dual imperial strategy of gunboat diplomacy and winning hearts and minds at home and abroad. Yet, the postcolonial era does represent some novelty: as was clear under the Conservative-led coalition and is now evident under a Conservative majority government, soft power is no longer exercised principally via cultural diplomacy, through, for example, the British Council, but increasingly via large companies which promote British economic and political interests through corporate imperialism.

International audience It is often suggested that Britain has lost its great power status since the fall of Empire. Yet, whilst its military and economic power has undoubtedly been weakened, it continues to exert power and influence and to promote national interests via the exercise of both hard and soft power. Far from representing a novel strategy, this simultaneous deployment of both forms of power may be considered as a continuation of the dual imperial strategy of gunboat diplomacy and winning hearts and minds at home and abroad. Yet, the postcolonial era does represent some novelty: as was clear under the Conservative-led coalition and is now evident under a Conservative majority government, soft power is no longer exercised principally via cultural diplomacy, through, for example, the British Council, but increasingly via large companies which promote British economic and political interests through corporate imperialism.

The primary objective of a political propaganda campaign is to establish an attitude of mind, a climate of opinion. When such a campaign is successful, the point of view which it has created acts as a censor or interpreter of news. The anti-German attitude displayed by the American press between 1914 and 1917 was the result of such a campaign. It was not accidental, and it was not the result of guilt resting exclusively upon Germany.