Suchergebnisse

This note explores the interrelationship between ecologically sustainable development (the green environmental agenda) and pro-poor urban development and environmental health (the brown environmental agenda) in relation to local government in South Africa. The meaning and relevance of the brown agenda versus the green agenda in environmental governance are discussed in general. This discussion subsequently feeds into the argument that South Africa's constitutional environmental right also foresees the advancement of the brown environmental agenda, which has implications for the interpretation and enforcement of local government's service delivery mandate. This link between municipal service delivery and the environmental right further informs understanding of what is required of government to fulfill this right. This paper is thus devoted to an introductory conceptual framing of South Africa's environmental right that goes beyond the green agenda. This impacts on how the constitutional duties of municipalities are interpreted and executed.

This note explores the interrelationship between ecologically sustainable development (the green environmental agenda) and pro-poor urban development and environmental health (the brown environmental agenda) in relation to local government in South Africa. The meaning and relevance of the brown agenda versus the green agenda in environmental governance are discussed in general. This discussion subsequently feeds into the argument that South Africa's constitutional environmental right also foresees the advancement of the brown environmental agenda, which has implications for the interpretation and enforcement of local government's service delivery mandate. This link between municipal service delivery and the environmental right further informs understanding of what is required of government to fulfill this right. This paper is thus devoted to an introductory conceptual framing of South Africa's environmental right that goes beyond the green agenda. This impacts on how the constitutional duties of municipalities are interpreted and executed.

Recognizing the overlap in organized white supremacism in the US, discussion opens by positioning nativist environmentalism in a right-wing framework. In this context, the network, ideology, agenda, & impact of the green nativist movement is described. Ideologically, the movement centers on an identity politics that constructs racial identities in terms of us vs other, manifest in an anti-immigrant environmentalism that depicts a threatened white identity & privileges culture & ethnicity over race in defining differences. This overlaps with white supremacist discourse as do the population-environment Right's views on fertility, reproduction, sexuality, & parenting. The movement sees multiculturalism & diversity as ultimately leading to balkanization & culture wars; the writings of Kevin MacDonald, editor of Population and Environment, serve to illustrate this & are linked to his work on Judaism as a "group evolutionary strategy," ie, the Jewish conspiracy. Regarding its impact, the movement's influence on moderate environmental organizations & the popular imagination is scrutinized. Green nativism may have found itself in a strengthened position as US society swung rightward in the aftermath of 9/11 (2001). It is concluded that population environmentalism & white supremacy share nearly identical goals, ideologies, & agendas & that the population-environment link central to ecofascism encourages a politics of fear & scapegoating. J. Zendejas

A noteworthy feature of the presidency of George W. Bush was the consistent flouting of environmental regulations & laws in order to allow corporations to profit at the expense of the natural environment. Given the Bush administration's dismal environmental record, it was thought by many that environmental policy would be an easy victory for the Obama administration. However, the economic recession that coincided with the change in administrations has made enforcing air pollution, fisheries, mining, & other regulations difficult due to the perceived constraint that regulations could have upon an economic recovery. This article looks at the best ways to update environmental policy & stimulate the economy while providing for a sustainable future. Adapted from the source document.

As recently as last year's presidential campaign, the debate on Barack Obama's environmental agenda would have centered on righting the astonishing wrongs of the George W. Bush era. The last administration's performance—the junking of science, the suppression of basic information, the spinning of facts to fit ideology, the wanton disregard for enforcing pollution laws, the use of rule-making power for private gain—did extraordinary damage to the nation's environment. But it also paid Obama a political dividend of sorts. Bush's appalling performance yielded a bumper crop of low-hanging green fruit, much of which can be harvested without bold new legislation or dramatic spending initiatives. Obama can win much praise, and do much good, simply by enforcing the law and stopping the shenanigans.

Objective. Although there have been several studies of the growth in environmental group membership, analyzing the link between environmentalism, value change, and social location, few studies have attempted to explain potential environmental commitment or specific types of environmental beliefs as motivations for participation in such groups. Methods. We use multivariate methods on three pooled surveys conducted in Australia between 1990 and 1996 to explore the sources of commitment. Results. We distinguish between committed and ordinary members of environmental groups. Committed members have stronger postmaterialist and secular values than ordinary members and are more likely to come from professional occupations. Perhaps most significant, committed members are motivated by a strong sense of the urgency of "green" (i.e., global) as opposed to "brown" (i.e., local) environmental concerns. Conclusions. The results point to a shift in the bases of environmental commitment, away from social location and to "green" environmental issues. Although issue; are in principle an insecure basis for political mobilization, the inability of national governments to solve global environmental problems suggests that "green" rather than "brown" environmental concerns will provide a continuing basis from which environmental groups can recruit and mobilize.

Objective. Although there have been several studies of the growth in environmental group membership, analyzing the link between environmentalism, value change, and social location, few studies have attempted to explain potential environmental commitment or specific types of environmental beliefs as motivations for participation in such groups. Methods. We use multivariate methods on three pooled surveys conducted in Australia between 1990 and 1996 to explore the sources of commitment. Results. We distinguish between committed and ordinary members of environmental groups. Committed members have stronger postmaterialist and secular values than ordinary members and are more likely to come from professional occupations. Perhaps most significant, committed members are motivated by a strong sense of the urgency of "green" (i.e., global) as opposed to "brown" (i.e., local) environmental concerns. Conclusions. The results point to a shift in the bases of environmental commitment, away from social location and to "green" environmental issues. Although issue; are in principle an insecure basis for political mobilization, the inability of national governments to solve global environmental problems suggests that "green" rather than "brown" environmental concerns will provide a continuing basis from which environmental groups can recruit and mobilize.