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Il apparaît, à travers l'étude des jeunes gens âgés de vingt ans recrutés par l'armée japonaise, que ces garçons reçoivent, en milieu rural, une éducation du même genre, mais qu'ils exercent des métiers divers. On constate par conséquent une très faible mobilité sociale par l'éducation, mais les ménages montrent d'une grande stabilité et se reproduisent en répartissant en leur sein les risques professionnels et done économiques entre leurs membres. Dans la communauté, le statut d'un ménage influence les résultats de l'éducation, mais c'est le rang de naissance dans la famille qui détermine véritablement le choix de l'activité professionnelle. Le rang de naissance et le secteur d'activité ont pu influencer l'état de santé des individus: les garçons premiers nes jouissent plutôt d'une bonne santé et d'une haute taille, en comparaison des puînés et des enfants illégitimes. Les petites tailles sont l'apanage des artisans, sans doute du fait de leur statut économique inférieur, du caractère répétitif et sédentaire de leur travail, ou du fait que les cadets, qui ont tendance à être plus petits, deviennent artisans.

Japan is a predominantly atheistic country, however, Buddhism is still keeping its influence on society. Firstly, funerals are mostly performed according to the Buddhist ritual. Secondly, several times a year the majority of Japanese families visit their relatives's graves in cemeteries, belonging to Buddhist temples. As a result, Buddhism is associated first of all with death and funeral. Buddhist priests try to make the image of Buddhism brighter in many ways. In this article, we will look at one of these ways – erecting statues that depict simultaneously the beloved bodhisattva Jizo, the priests themselves, visitors and the dead relatives.

In this third decade of the 21st century, deep problems plague our world. Many people lack adequate nutrition, health care, and education, because-while there is enough wealth for everyone to meet these basic needs-most of it is tightly controlled by precious few. Global warming causes droughts, floods, rising sea levels, and soon the forced migrations of millions of people. In this book, philosopher Graham Priest explains why we find ourselves in this situation, defines the nature of the problems we face, and explains how we might solve and move beyond our current state. The first part of this book draws on Buddhist philosophy, Marx's analysis of capitalism, and their complementary role in explaining our present crisis and the events that led us here. In the second part of the book, Priest turns to the much harder question of how one might go about creating a more rational and humane world. Here, he draws again on Buddhist and Marxist ideas as well as some key aspects of anarchist thought. His discussion of the need for bottom-up control of production, power, ideology, and an emerging awareness of our interdependence is a must-read for anyone who cares about the future of the planet and our latent capacity to care for each other. Key Features Explains the necessary elements of Marxist, Buddhist, and anarchist thought-no background knowledge of political theory or Buddhism is necessary Shows how Buddhist and Marxist notions of persons arecomplementary Convincingly shows capitalism's role in creating current socio-economic problems Provides an analysis of the corrosiveness of top-down power structures and why they should be eliminated in a post-capitalist state Discusses capitalism's role in war, environmental degradation, and race and gender-based oppression

This study examines the Buddhist Ecclesiastical Law in its historical perspective and the current law in relation to Buddhist Vihares and the mode of succession 10 the of lice of Viharadhipathi. In this exercise relevant legislation and the case law are analvzed. Buddhist Ecclesiastical law in Sri Lanka has evolved through the past centuries to become a living force, which reveals through examination the inextricabte link between Sinhalese culture and Buddhism and the role played by the religion in the growth of the laws and customs of the country. On account ofthe enormous service rendered bv the Buddhist monks toward the stability and progress of the country, the educational and moral enlightenmentof the people,prosperity and happiness of the society, the kings bestowed extensive tracts of lands, on the temples for their maintenance and upkeep, which is evident from the Mihintale slab inscription of King Mahinda IV and the Mahavansa. The apointment of chiefs and priests of temples was a prerogative of the king of Kandyan Kingdom. In keeping with the ancient tradition, according to article 5 of the Kandyan Convention of 1815, the British government undertook to maintain and protect Buddhism and Buddhist temples. However, later the withdrawal of the British Government from temples affairs plunged the Buddhist temples into a deep crisis, There appeared on the scene, during the 19' century, in addition to patriotic laymen a few Buddhist monks of heroic cnaracter intent on revivinsr the notion and its religion. One of such eminent Buaahist scholar was Ven. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Nayaka Thero who estahlishcd in 1873 the Vidyodaya Pirivena of Maligakanda which gave to birth to our University of Sri Jayewardenenpura. Temple property and the rights of Viharadhipathi have been regulated by successive Buddhist Temporalities Ordinances passed in 1889. 1905 and 1931 The statute now in force is chapter 396 as amended by the Buddhist Fcrnporalities (Amendement) Ordinance No, 22 of 1980. The infiltration made by the English law of Trust into Sanghika property has hindered the growth of the Sasana and made the Buddhist priest a trustee which subsumes the lay concept of 'possession '. Since a temple exists for the `spiritual 'welfare of the community, it is imperative that the temple becomes a corporate entity so that endowments be madefor the benefit of the Sangha and not to an individual bhikkhu . Doubts, difficulties and impediments may have been encountered by Viharadhipathis, Trustees and the Commissioner of Buddhist affairs in the working of an Ordinance which has- been in existence for more than 75 years. Therefore, it is recommended that the subject befully examined either by a Commission of Inquiry appointed under the Commissions of Inquiry Act or a Presidential Committee.

"Reacting to nineteenth-century forces of colonialism and globalization, Buddhist reformers across Asia strove to modernize Buddhist teachings, practices, and institutions. "Buddhist modernism" was typically characterized by disbelief in the supernatural, rejection of ritual, deinstitutionalization, and egalitarianism. The Revolution of Buddhist Modernism provides an account of the upheaval that took place within the world of Japanese Jōdo Shin (True Pure Land) Buddhism when scholar-priest Kiyozawa Manshi (1863-1903) initiated modernist reforms. Kiyozawa and his disciples, especially Soga Ryōjin and Kaneko Daiei, reenvisioned Pure Land teachings as a path to awakening in the present world rather than rebirth in a faraway Pure Land after death. This doctrinal reinterpretation led to a range of revolutionary institutional reforms, including new experiential methods of Buddhist studies, democratization of sect institutions, and enhanced cooperation with Japan's imperialist state. By combining intellectual history with institutional history, The Revolution of Buddhist Modernism reveals deep connections between Buddhist thought, Buddhist institutions, and national and global politics. It tracks the chaotic, fascinating history by which modernist Buddhist ideas came to be grounded in Buddhist institutions and authoritative for Buddhist communities, offering readers a compelling, ground-level view of Buddhist modernism--and traditionalism--in action"--

Anthropological studies relating to South Asian pilgrimage have been of several types. Interest in the field can be traced back to at the time when Victor Turner was writing on this subject (notably, the works of Vidyarthi, 1961, 1979; Jha, 1985, 1995; Bhardwaj, 1973 and; Bharati, 1970). Among the relevant ethnographies for South Asia there are a number of studies which mainly concentrate on describing a pilgrimage centre or sacred place. In general, the emphasis of these studies is on priests, the organization of the pilgrim centres, and other occupants of the pilgrimage centres; in other words, they are more 'sacred place' oriented rather than focussing on the pilgrims themselves. The pilgrimage literature for South Asia, in general, lends greater support to the competing discourse perspective than to the Turnerian approach. However, most academic studies of pilgrimage in South Asia have concentrated on the explicitly religious domain, on the major religious traditions and on regional pilgrimage cults, and has placed far less emphasis on pilgrimage in secularized contexts such as the pilgrimage service economy, that has grown around pilgrimage centres, politics, nationalism, ethnicity, gender, pilgrimage sites associated with dead cultural heroes, touristic dimensions of pilgrimage, educational visits to sacred and historic locations, or simply pilgrimage for the sake of journeying (for 'fun'). Anthropological studies of pilgrimage in Sri Lanka mainly derive theoretical orientation from the functionalist approach (Obeyesekere, 1966, 1978, 1981; Evers, 1972; Seneviratne, 1978). However, more recent studies by Pfaffenberger (1979), Nissan (1985, 1988), Stirrat (1982, 1991, 1992), Whitaker (1999), and Bastin (2002), mainly put their theoretical arguments against a 'universalistic' perspective and emphasise the importance of considering multiple historical representations of Buddhist pilgrimage centres in Sri Lanka, rather than studying them as a unified tradition. In this paper I will attempt to break down the boundaries around the anthropology of pilgrimage, questioning the dubious division between structure (e.g., Turnerian view), and process (e.g., competing discourse), religion and politics, and this and other worldly formulations. These dominant views in the anthropology of pilgrimage are tested with my ethnographical and historical materials particularly in relation to the Sri Pāda (Adam's Peak) pilgrimage site and the pilgrims journeying to it. I would argue with my findings that it is hard to grasp an overall picture about the pilgrimage site, as well as the journey to it in the context of Buddhist pilgrimage in Sri Lanka, if too much emphasis is placed on either theoretical perspective.

The article is about the new sources pertaining to Agvan Dorjiev, the leader of the Buddhist renovationist movement in Russia. Reports, summaries and other declassified OGPU documents allow studying the important aspects of his activities in the 1920s. The paper is focused on the analysis of the documents which contain a lot of valuable information about the political stance of the Buddhist priests, the nature of the relationship between them and the ordinary believers, and the daily life of the Buddhist monasteries (dazans and huruls). The study of the declassified documents makes it possible to bring to light important data about the relations between the Soviet officials and the Buddhist Sangha, and about the clashes inside the Buddhist organizations. A network of secret agents has gathered valuable information about the conflict between the renovationists and the conservatives, about the activities of A. Dorjiev and other Buddhist leaders. Those documents contain the data referring to the disputes and other methods of antireligious agitation and propaganda. Reports on the "counter-revolutionary" statements and activities of the Buddhist clergymen and believers help revealing their attitude towards the Soviet authorities' religion policy. Also, the documents facilitate for obtaining valuable information dealing with the real meaning of the concepts that are popular in contemporary historiography – the concepts of the "religious NEP" and the "Golden Age of Buddhism" in Soviet Russia.