Suchergebnisse

Public discussion in 2018, concerning the European Parliament, passing the Directive on copyright and related rights in the Digital Single Market, in the public discourse referred to as ACTA 2, evoked huge social emotions. The source of the conflict were two colliding values: the need to protect copyright and to ensure economic interest of authors and freedom of expression (freedom of the Internet), particularly important for users of works and Internet users. The decisions of the European Court of Justice, given on 29 July 2019 in the proceedings between Funke Medien NRW GmbH and Bundesrepublik Deutschland and the coincident decision in the case Spiegel Online GmbH vs Volker Beckow, deals with the above-given conflict of values. This article provides a description of the main arguments of the above-mentioned judgements of the ECJ and points at their consequences in the scope of changing the current interpretation of the provisions of copyright. The article also contains remarks on the influence of these decisions and their consequences for the disabling of content by providers of content-sharing service providers which violates freedom of expression considering the new Directive of 17 April 2019. The author presented arguments confirming that the Directive (EU) 2019/790 of 17 April 2019 on copyright and related rights in the Digital Single Market and the new way of interpreting copyright rules provided by the judgements of the ECJ has significantly changed the hitherto may of perceiving the rules of permissible use of works. ; Dyskusja publiczna z 2018 r. dotycząca uchwalenia przez Parlament Europejski dyrektywy w sprawie prawa autorskiego i praw pokrewnych na jednolitym rynku cyfrowym, nazywanej w dyskursie publicznym mianem ACTA 2, budziła ogromne emocje społeczne. U źródła tego konfliktu leżały dwie zderzające się ze sobą wartości: potrzeba ochrony praw autorskich i zabezpieczenia interesów ekonomicznych twórców oraz wolność wypowiedzi (wolność internetu), szczególnie istotna dla użytkowników utworów i użytkowników internetu. Wydane przez Trybunał Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej w dniu 29 lipca 2019 r. orzeczenia w sprawie Funke Medien NRW GmbH przeciwko Bundesrepublik Deutschland oraz zbieżne z nim orzeczenie w sprawie Spiegel Online GmbH przeciwko Volkerowi Beckowi dotyczy wskazanego wyżej konfliktu wartości. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera opis głównych tez wskazanych wyżej rozstrzygnięć TSUE oraz wskazuje na ich konsekwencje w zakresie zmiany dotychczasowego sposobu interpretacji przepisów prawa autorskiego. W artykule zamieszczono także uwagi dotyczące wpływu tych rozstrzygnięć i ich konsekwencji w zakresie naruszającego wolność wypowiedzi blokowania treści przez podmioty świadczące usługi hostingowe w świetle wymagań nowej dyrektywy z dnia 17 kwietnia 2019 r. Ponadto wskazano argumenty świadczące o tym, że dyrektywa 2019/790/WE Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady z dnia 17 kwietnia 2019 r. w sprawie prawa autorskiego i praw pokrewnych na jednolitym rynku cyfrowym oraz nowy, wytyczony w komentowanych orzeczeniach TSUE, sposób interpretacji przepisów prawa autorskiego istotnie zmienił dotychczasowy sposób postrzegania przepisów o dozwolonym użytku utworów.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

Germany is home to approximately one hundred Polish organizations. Although the history of the Polish movement in Germany dates back to the mid-19th century, the available knowledge on the movement is relatively sketchy and either limited to historical facts or, with respect to the present standing and activities, only cursory. This is evidenced by the fact that the public discourse frequently labels given organizations as weak due judging them mainly on inner rifts and arguments. Is this popular belief true? Have organizations indeed succumbbed to a permanent crisis? If so, what are the true causes of their quandaries? I attempt to address these questions on the basis of the research I have conducted at the Institute for Western Affairs since 2008. I have embarked on defining the most prominent features of Polish organizations in Germany and identifying the factors that have contributed to their present condition.

The European Union undertakes numerous activities to implement a common energy policy for all Member States. However, since the countries in question have different energy resources, geographical location and terrain, unification of national policies at EU level is a particularly
arduous and difficult process. This article focuses on the analysis of energy sectors in Austria, Germany, Poland and Sweden. These countries were chosen because they offer considerable diversity, having different energy resources, geographical location, climatic conditions, as well as a different genesis of shaping their energy policy over the years. The analysis showed that the energy sectors in Poland, Germany, Austria and Sweden operate completely differently and rely on different energy resources. In Sweden, electricity mainly comes from hydropower and
nuclear energy, while energy from coal is not produced at all. In Austria, coal is also not extracted, and the production of electricity is based mainly on renewable sources, and above all on hydropower. Germany is one of the countries with the highest level of coal mining in
the world, therefore electricity is obtained mainly from this source, butalso from nuclear energy and increasingly from renewable sources, mainly wind, biofuel and solar energy. Poland is among the world's leading producers of coal, and obtaining electricity from this source accounts for as much as 80% in Poland; the rest comes from renewable sources, mainly
wind energy, then biofuels, hydro energy and natural gas.

The image of Poland and Poles in Germany emerging from the analysis of public opinion polls and press publications remains ambiguous - it is characterized by complexity and a lack of internal consistency. Positive aspects of the image of Poland and Poles are present to a greater extent in the German press than in the results of public opinion polls. The results of the polls also show a greater inconsistency in the image of Poland and Poles in Germany than press narratives. Two elements of Poland's image are particularly noteworthy in the German press: as an important European actor and as a country with a dynamically developing economy. From the Polish point of view, these two elements should constitute an important "anchor", a kind of starting point organizing the discussion about Poland in the German media. burdened with stereotypes. This is mainly due to the relatively poor knowledge of Germany's eastern neighbor. Poles living in Germany are not of special interest to either the German media or the public. They are also not present in the public discourse themselves. Locally, there was also a lot of interest in the issue of emigration to border areas - especially Mecklenburg-Vorpommern.

In March 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, local elections were held in Bavaria: the first round of voting took place on 15.03.2020 (traditional and postal voting) followed by the run-off ballot on 29.03.2020 (postal voting alone). The political decision to rely solely on postal voting in the second ballot was made unanimously by all the political fractions represented in the Bavarian parliament in the sense of responsibility for public health. The run-off ballot was held in constituencies where voting in the first round did not yield a winner. There were 34 such constituencies out of a total of 96. In this way, a research sample was created embracing the above-mentioned 34 constituencies, randomly and evenly dispersed throughout the entire Bundesland, and a control sample comprising the remaining constituencies. The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis according to which the postal voting held in Bavaria in March 2020, amidst the pandemic, led to an increase in the number of COVID-19 cases. The results of this study may be relevant for the discussion that in April and May of 2020 was going on in Poland - and never eventually settled - where public health concerns were raised. The Bavarian example was invoked by both supporters and opponents of postal voting as the sole form of voting in the Polish presidential elections originally scheduled for May of 2020. The Bavarian precedent was instrumentalized as an argument made - respectively in favor or against - sticking to the originally adopted electoral timeline.

Der auf Deutsch und Polnisch erscheinende Sammelband behandelt in zehn Beiträgen namhafter Staatsrechtler:innen und Verfassungsrichter:innen grundlegende Fragen des deutschen und polnischen Verfassungsrechts. Im Vordergrund stehen dabei die verfassungsrechtlichen Grundwerte, also Grundrechte, Rechtsstaat und Demokratie. Einen roten Faden, der viele der Beiträge durchzieht, bilden die aktuell zunehmenden Bedrohungslagen, denen sich der europäische Verfassungsstaat – sowohl in Deutschland als auch in Polen – ausgesetzt sieht. Insbesondere im Hinblick auf die derzeitigen Entwicklungen in Polen werden auch Fragen des Europarechts (Einhaltung der gemeinsamen europäischen Verfassungswerte) mit einbezogen.

Wileński szczyt Partnerstwa Wschodniego może okazać się punktem zwrotnym w polityce wschodniej UE. Podpisanie umowy stowarzyszeniowej z Ukrainą i parafowanie porozumień z Mołdową i Gruzją byłoby wielkim krokiem w kierunku zbliżenia wschodnich partnerów do UE, stabilizacji jej wschodniego sąsiedztwa i reform przeobrażających te kraje zgodnie z zasadami rządów prawa, demokracji i wolnego rynku. Opóźnienie tego procesu może mieć negatywne skutki dla UE i jej wschodnich sąsiadów. Jednak szczyt w Wilnie to nie koniec. Nie zmaleje zapotrzebowanie na odważne działania UE, która stawić musi czoło wyzwaniom wyłaniającym się w krajach sąsiedztwa wschodniego. Wprost przeciwnie, przyszły rozwój wypadków wymaga nowego strategicznego myślenia państw członkowskich UE i ich instytucji. Polityka wschodnia UE staje w obliczu decydującego sprawdzianu.