Suchergebnisse

Zgórniak, M.: Die polnisch-französischen Beziehungen nach dem II. Weltkrieg. - S. 13-19 Bingen, D.: Entstehungsgeschichte und Bestimmungen des deutsch-polnischen Nachbarschaftsvertrages. - S. 29-38 Węc, J. J.: Vorgeschichte und Bestimmungen des deutsch-polnischen Nachbarschaftsvertrages vom 17.06.1991. - S. 50-61 Trepte, H.-C.: Einige Bemerkungen zu den Beziehungen zwischen der DDR und der VR Polen. - S. 68-75 Guérin-Sendelbach, V.: Die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen als Maßstab und Vorbild für die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen? - S. 86-96 Freudenstein, R.: Fünf Thesen zum Europa der neunziger Jahre. - S. 106-114 Bojenko-Izdebska, E.: Die europäische Dimension der deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen. - S. 122-129

The paper presents academic achievements of traditional institutionalism, the first scientific approach in political science, which was developed since the second part of the 19th century in USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. The author argues that this orientation had a creative influence on the progress of the discipline, however this impact is not appreciated by contemporary studies in the field of political science and political theory where limited understanding of the old institutionalism is promoted. The revision of this state of affairs has shown that, apart from the analysis of formal structures and institutions of state power, the traditionalists also have studied political parties (A. L. Lowell), interest groups (T. Eschenburg), public opinion (J. Bryce) and informal socio-political phenomena such as influence (C. J. Friedrich). Additionally, the first institutionalists formed the foundations for methodological self-consciousness of young political science and forged concepts that have been verified by subsequent generations of political scientists. They also conducted the first comparative studies of political systems (H. Finer, C. J. Friedrich). Many of these scholars went beyond pure theory by linking their reflections with planning and reforming political institutions. In this context, the author discusses research on relations between politics and administration (F. J. Goodnow), considerations on demonopolization of power (H. J. Laski) and refers to the debate on efficiency of different branches of government (e.g. in Poland after passing the March Constitution of 1921).

The paper presents academic achievements of traditional institutionalism, the first scientific approach in political science, which was developed since the second part of the 19th century in USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. The author argues that this orientation had a creative influence on the progress of the discipline, however this impact is not appreciated by contemporary studies in the field of political science and political theory where limited understanding of the old institutionalism is promoted. The revision of this state of affairs has shown that, apart from the analysis of formal structures and institutions of state power, the traditionalists also have studied political parties (A. L. Lowell), interest groups (T. Eschenburg), public opinion (J. Bryce) and informal socio-political phenomena such as influence (C. J. Friedrich). Additionally, the first institutionalists formed the foundations for methodological self-consciousness of young political science and forged concepts that have been verified by subsequent generations of political scientists. They also conducted the first comparative studies of political systems (H. Finer, C. J. Friedrich). Many of these scholars went beyond pure theory by linking their reflections with planning and reforming political institutions. In this context, the author discusses research on relations between politics and administration (F. J. Goodnow), considerations on demonopolization of power (H. J. Laski) and refers to the debate on efficiency of different branches of government (e.g. in Poland after passing the March Constitution of 1921).

458, [1] p. : err. ; 25 cm ; Contains correspondence of Stanisław II August, King of Poland, Augustyn Deboli and Adam Cieciszowski. ; Text mainly in French. ; Indexes ; Wydanie I ; 458, [1] s. : err. ; 25 cm ; Zawiera korespondencję Stanisława Augusta, Augustyna Deboli i Adama Cieciszowskiego. ; Tekst gł. w jęz. fr. ; Indeksy ; Wydanie I

The authors present the current ENERGOTT case of the Court of Justice of the European Union (C-643/20), where the three principles of VAT are challenged by a request for a preliminary ruling: equivalence, effectiveness, and neutrality. The subject matter of the request is repayment of VAT relating to debts which have become definitively irrecoverable. The Court was asked to determine the moment which may be stipulated by Member States as the starting point of the limitation period for the refund of VAT applicable to such debts, and to determine whether the set of conditions laid down by a Member State, in respect of the refund of VAT, are precluded by the European case-law and principles. This case is important for taxpayers in the European Union because the judgment might give them the right to challenge national legislation in the field of the statute of limitations in certain circumstances. ; Autorzy przedstawiają bieżącą sprawę ENERGOTT rozstrzyganą przed Trybunałem Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej (C-643/20), w której we wniosku o wydanie orzeczenia w trybie prejudycjalnym są kwestionowane trzy zasady podatku VAT: równoważności, skuteczności i neutralności. Przedmiotem wniosku jest zwrot podatku VAT odnoszący się do wierzytelności, które stały się ostatecznie nieściągalne. Trybunał został poproszony o określenie momentu, który państwa członkowskie mogą uznać za początek biegu terminu przedawnienia zwrotu podatku VAT przysługującego za takie wierzytelności oraz o ustalenie, czy warunki ustanowione przez państwo członkowskie w odniesieniu do zwrotu podatku VAT podlegająwyłączeniu w myśl europejskiego orzecznictwa i europejskich zasad. Sprawa ta jest ważna z punktu widzenia podatników w Unii Europejskiej, ponieważ wyrok, który zapadnie, może w pewnych okolicznościach dać im prawo kwestionować przepisy krajowe w zakresie terminu przedawnienia.

The concepts of national interest or raison d'etat continue to be fundamental elements in the foreign policies of states. Making direct reference to these concepts is crucial for making the arguments employed in political discussions efficient. The paper presents theoretical considerations on the issue of raison d'etat or national interest. It attempts to distinguish between the meanings of these two concepts, presents the changes in how they have been understood and tries to approach them theoretically. It also refers to how the raison d'etat and national interest are understood by N. Machiavelli, C. Le Bret and a range of contemporary authors. The theoretical approach to national interest makes use of V. Udalov's theory, which discusses this concept as understood by researchers from the two opposing blocs at the time of the Cold War – the USA and the USSR. The paper also refers to the concept of interest in the context of international relations. ; The concepts of national interest or raison d'etat continue to be fundamental elements in the foreign policies of states. Making direct reference to these concepts is crucial for making the arguments employed in political discussions efficient. The paper presents theoretical considerations on the issue of raison d'etat or national interest. It attempts to distinguish between the meanings of these two concepts, presents the changes in how they have been understood and tries to approach them theoretically. It also refers to how the raison d'etat and national interest are understood by N. Machiavelli, C. Le Bret and a range of contemporary authors. The theoretical approach to national interest makes use of V. Udalov's theory, which discusses this concept as understood by researchers from the two opposing blocs at the time of the Cold War – the USA and the USSR. The paper also refers to the concept of interest in the context of international relations.

Przedmiotem artykułu są regulacje unijne dotyczące dozwolonej pomocy udzielanej mediom publicznym przez państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej oraz praktyka ich stosowania. Celem badań jest weryfikacja następującej tezy: prawo Unii Europejskiej w sposób ogólny reguluje kwestie dozwolonej pomocy państwa dla mediów publicznych, natomiast szczegółowe wytyczne formułowane są ad causum, w wyniku kontroli Komisji Europejskiej i pod wpływem orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej. W pierwszej części autorka przedstawi regulacje unijne obowiązujące w przedmiotowej dziedzinie. Istotne znaczenie dla sektorowych zasad udzielania i kontroli pomocy państwa w obszarze radiofonii i telewizji ma komunikat Komisji z 2009 roku w sprawie stosowania zasad pomocy państwa wobec radiofonii i telewizji publicznej (Dz. Urz. UE C 257 z dnia 27 października 2009 roku). Następnie omówione zostaną wybrane orzeczenia Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej, istotne z punktu widzenia zasad udzielania przez państwo pomocy dla mediów publicznych. ; The article discusses the European Union regulations on permitted aid provided to the public media by member states of the European Union (EU) and the practice of their application. The aim of the research is to verify the following thesis: European Union law regulates the permitted state aid to public media only generally, but detailed guidelines are formulated ad casum, as a result of the control of the European Commission and according to the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The first part will discuss the EU regulations in this area. The important document for sectoral policies and the provision of State aid control in the area of radio and television is the Commission Communication of 2009 on the application of State aid rules to public service broadcasting (OJ. EU C 257 of 27 October 2009). Then it will be discussed selected judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union, important for the relevant rules of granting state aid to public media.

The foundation of international organizations has created the need to employ in their offices qualified persons who, with the time passing, were called international civil servants. The legal status of international civil servants, their place in the organization and the role played towards member countries, is the subject of the present work. The origin of international civil servants goes back to the 19th c. administrative unions but it was only the League of Nations which accepted this situation. Its full development took place, however, in the latter part of the 20th c., in the period of the so-called organizational revolution. International law and sometimes also the domestic law of the states define the rules of employing civil servants in the organizations. They formulate both the conditions which the candidate for the civil servant must fulfil and the types of his connections with the organization (Chpt. II). International civil servants enjoy the rights and appropriate duties (Chpts. Ill and IV). Their content and scope is the result of, first of all, the internal regulations of the organization, sometimes enriched by the rules of the law of the host state. The rights and duties of civil servants are accompanied by the privileges and immunities — facilities necessary to perform their duties in the organization (Chpt. V). The activities of civil servants may lead to conflicts with organization authorities. To protect their interests civil servants may make use of either administrative procedure stipulated in the inner law of the organization or submit the existing controversy to the competent judicial agency, i. e. administrative tribunal (Chpt. VI). The work closes with considerations on the independence of international civil servants towards the countries they are citizens of (Chpt. VII). And although the rule of independence of civil servants is confirmed by the statutes of particular organizations, still the activities of some countries are threat for this independence.

Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination - which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec's paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it's in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering -in this context- fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.

Oberreuter, H.: Chancen der Kooperation in schwieriger Nachbarschaft. - S. 13-22 Ruchniewicz, K.: Geschichte und Zukunft: das deutsch-polnische Verhältnis zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts. - S. 23-34 Steinke, C.: Eine Entdeckungsreise im 21. Jahrhundert : viva Polonia! - S. 35-40 Papciak, K. F.: Zwei Päpste, zwei Kirchen? Kirche und Gesellschaft in Polen und Deutschland. - S. 43-46 Nowowski, Z.: Zwei Päpste, zwei Kirchen? Kirche und Gesellschaft in Polen und Deutschland. - S. 47-56 Trzeszczkowska, D.: Zwei Vergangenheiten, eine Zukunft : Geschichte, Identität und die Interessen Polens und Deutschlands bei der Gestaltung ihrer zukünftigen Beziehungen. - S. 59-62 Koch, J.: Innovationsförderung: europäische Vorbilder und polnische Realitäten. - S. 65-70 Morawski, I.: Die Zukunft der deutschen Investitionen in Polen im Kontext der Finanzkrise. - S. 71-78 Matwijów, A.: Die Situation der Unternehmen in Deutschland und Polen. - S. 79-84 Keller, E.: Zwischen Wunsch und Wirklichkeit: wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Aspekte bei Standortverschiebungen. - S. 85-88 Węc, J. J.: Die Europäische Union aus der deutschen und polnischen Perspektive. - S. 91-100 [ ... ] Cichocki, M.: Die aktuellen Voraussetzungen der deutschen und polnischen Politik. - S. 109-116 Mazurek, A.: Die Krise ist da - was nun ...? - S. 117-122

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

"Initiative" of the Polish Worker's Party organization in the Polish Geological Institute in Kraków – echoes of the real socialism era.A b s t r a c t. Two documents were commented in this paper. They were prepared by the Polish Worker's Party organization in the Polish Geological Institute in Kraków, in 1948. There are: "Memorandum on the Polish Geological Institute" and letter to Central Committee of the Polish Worker's Party sent through the Urban Committee of the Polish Worker's Party in Kraków. These documents were found during organizing of the Stanisław Tyski materials and delivered to PGI-NRI Central Geological Archive by Professor Krzysztof Jaworowski. They constitute example of the harmful action on realization of the Institute's tasks and personal policy using brutal political pressure. The party members generally criticized situation in Institute. They also demanded removal of director and other persons from management and replaced them by the party members. Let's hope that such practices will never happen again.

Katastrofa samolotu TU-154 z 10 kwietnia 2010 roku, w której zginęli prezydent Polski, Lech Kaczyński, oraz 95 osób wchodzących w skład prezydenckiej delegacji, miała przede wszystkim konsekwencje ustrojowe - konieczne stało się zapewnienie ciągłości władz państwowych oraz zorganizowanie przyspieszonych wyborów głowy państwa. Kontrowersje w sprawie wypadku, jakie pojawiły się już kilka dni po tragedii, spowodowały jednak także wyraźną polaryzację opinii publicznej. Symbolicznym wyrazem podziału stała się tzw. sprawa krzyża ustawionego przed Pałacem Prezydenckim przez harcerzy w hołdzie ofiarom katastrofy. Język debaty publicznej towarzyszący temu wydarzeniu nabrał z czasem cech swoistych, które chcemy w niniejszym artykule ledwie naszkicować. Zwracamy uwagę na trzy istotne elementy konstytuujące dyskurs okołokrzyżowy: a) kontekst religijny; b) kontekst patriotyczno-martyrologiczny; c) kontekst polityczny. Ukazujemy ponadto, że komunikacja polityczna po 2010 roku unaoczniła jedynie podział społeczny, którego pierwszych symptomów upatrywać należy w rekonfiguracji polskiego systemu partyjnego na przełomie XX i XXI wieku. ; The crash of TU-154 plane on 10 April 2010, which killed the Polish president, Lech Kaczyński, and 95 other members of the presidential delegation, had most of all the consequences on the political system - it became necessary to ensure continuity of the state's authorities, and to organize early elections of the head of state. Controversies over the accident, which occurred just a few days after the tragedy, caused a conspicuous polarization of Polish public opinion (Niżyńska, 2010). The so-called "case of the cross" (concerning the cross which was erected in front of the Presidential Palace by a group of Polish scouts in honour of the victims of the disaster) turned out to be a symbolic expression of the split in Polish society. The language of the public debate about that event took on specific qualities that we want only to sketch in the presented paper. We draw attention to three important factors that constitute "the discourse on the cross": a) areligious context, b) a context ofpatriotic martyrdom, c) a political context. Furthermore we tend to show that political communication in Poland after 2010 has revealed only the existing social split, the first symptoms of which are to be sought in the reconfiguration of the Polish party system at the turn of the 20th and 21st century.