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The climate change movement in the Global North developed after years of scientific evidence accumulated on the topic. Even in those early years, however, it was members of environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) who ensured that policymakers would begin to act. As politicians around the globe became interested in addressing the problem, ENGOs and activists worked to push their national delegations to increase their commitments to reduce emissions. This was particularly true during the COPs, which also featured protests outside the conventions by those who demanded more action and those calling for climate justice. Climate justice was a call by the Global South and solidarity activists for equity, sustainability, and development in any policies. A as the international consensus around managing climate change included what climate justice activists called "false solutions" – policies that benefit corporations and do little to reduce the extraction of fossil fuels. Therefore, climate justice activists became increasingly hostile toward the COPs, which resulted in increased mobilization and non-violent civil disobedience. In addition to international campaigning, local and national activists mobilized their efforts to impact community and policy changes. This chapter explores some of those campaigns

Transgender people have received substantial attention in recent years, with gender identity becoming a focal point of online debate. Transgender identities are central in discussions relating to sex-segregated spaces and activities, such as public toilets, prisons and sports participation. The introduction of 'gender neutral' spaces has received criticism focused on a perceived increased risk of sexual violence against women and children. However, little is known about the implications these constructions have for who is able to claim a 'victim status'. These issues are examined in this chapter in which I provide a critical analysis of the techniques used by individuals to align themselves with a 'victim status'. These claims are presented and contextualized within varying notions of victimization, from being victims of political correctness to victims of a more aggressive minority community. This feeds into an inherently transphobic discourse that is difficult to challenge without facing accusation of perpetuating an individual's 'victimhood'. Transphobic rhetoric is most commonly expressed through constructing transgender people as 'unnatural', 'sinful' or as experiencing a 'mental health issue'. This chapter argues that the denial of transphobia and simultaneous claims of victimization made by the dominant, cisgender majority are intrinsically linked.

Dr Kehinde Andrews has appeared on BBC Newsnight (from 32 mins) to discuss his forthcoming book Back to Black: Retelling Black Radicalism. In a conversation with presenter Emily Maitlis, Dr Andrews explains the radical significance of the Haitian revolution, pan-Africanism and the politics of civil rights leader Malcolm X.

Back to Black traces the long and eminent history of Black radical politics. Born out of resistance to slavery and colonialism, its rich past encompasses figures such as Marcus Garvey, Angela Davis, the Black Panthers and the Black Lives Matter activists of today. At its core it argues that racism is inexorably embedded in the fabric of society, and that it can never be overcome unless by enacting change outside of this suffocating system. Yet this Black radical tradition has been diluted and moderated over time; wilfully misrepresented and caricatured by others; divested of its legacy, potency, inclusivity and force for global change. Kehinde Andrews explores the true roots of this tradition, and connects the dots to today's struggles by showing what a renewed politics of Black radicalism might look like in the 21st century.

The social movement literature in Western Europe and North America has oriented much of its theoretical work towards micro-, meso-, and macro-level examinations of its subject of study but has rarely integrated these levels of analysis. This review article broadly documents the leading theoretical perspectives on social movements, while highlighting the contributions made in recent years with regard to the wave of protests across the globe – typified by the Occupy Movement and the 'Arab Spring' – and grievances that are relatively novel in qualitative or quantitative form such as austerity, precarity, and a sense of democratic deficiency. While these novel social processes have invigorated the specialized arena of 'social movement studies' and generated a resurgence of work on social movements beyond the field, this article argues for the need to interconnect levels of analysis in order to develop a more insightful account of contemporary contentious politics.

Pan-Africanism is an identifiable movement with its own history and historical and ideological roots. It formally began at the first Pan-African Congress in London in 1900 and has a distinct linage up to the present day African Union. Unfortunately, the movement has not presented a challenge to imperial domination in Africa, rather it has helped continue the exploitation of the continent. Accepting the colonial nation state has prevented any politics of liberation from developing in the movement. It is central to decentre Pan-Africanism from radical histories of resistance because the movement developed in parallel to and rejection of more revolutionary, anti-imperial politics. Garveyism developed a mass movement rooted on the global Black nation, shattering the boundaries of Westphalian sovereignty. Malcolm X picked up the work of Garvey, developing on some of its regressive weakness to form the Organization of Afro-American Unity. By unpicking this tradition from Pan-Africanism we can begin to chart a route to revolutionary concepts and practice of nationalism that can present a challenge to the imperial social order.

In November 1970, Black Panther Party leader Huey P. Newton gave a lecture at Boston College where he introduced his theory of intercommunalism. Newton re-articulated Marxist theories of imperialism through the lens of the Black liberation struggle and argued that imperialism had entered a new phase called 'reactionary intercommunalism'. Newton's theory of intercommunalism o ers nothing less than a proto-theorisation of what we have come to call neo-liberal globalisation and its e ects on what W. E. B. Du Bois had seen as the racialisation of modern imperialism. Due to the initial historical dismissal of the Black Panther Party's political legacy, Newton's thought has largely been neglected for the past 40 years. This paper revisits Newton's theory of intercommunalism, with the aim of achieving some form of epistemic justice for his thought, but also to highlight how Newton's recasting of imperialism as reactionary intercommunalism provides critical insight into the rise of Trumpism in the US.

From the writings of Lenin, the guerrilla activity of Che Guevara, the anti-racism of the Black Panther Party and the Third World's plan for a New International Economic Order, the idea of imperialism and the politics of anti-imperialism were a mainstay of political vernacular throughout most of the twentieth century. Yet, with the onset of neo-liberal globalisation in the Global North and, most importantly, in the Global South the idea of imperialism has seemingly disappeared or been deemed irrelevant. This special issue draws on a range of theoretical contributions that use the prism of imperialism to explore the strengths and limits of classical Marxist theories of imperialism; the relationship between Marxist, post-colonial and de-colonial approaches; imperialism and social movement theory; and the strengths of returning to ideas of Black Marxism and Pan-Africanism in the midst of contemporary neo-imperialism. These theoretical debates are in turn complemented by the collection exploring the idea of imperialism from different empirical vantage points in the Global North (Europe, US) and Global South (Africa, the Caribbean, Cuba and Kashmir). The issue thus provides both theoretically and empirically innovative interventions on how we should conceptualise and approach the idea of imperialism in the twenty-first century.

This book argues that John Dewey should be read as a philosopher of globalization rather than as a 'local' American philosopher. Although Dewey's political philosophy was rooted in late nineteenth and early twentieth century America, it was more importantly about the role of America in a globalized world. In returning to, and recovering the neglected global dimensions of Dewey's political philosophy, the book highlights how his insights about globalization and democracy can inform present theoretical debates. John Narayan traces the emergence of Dewey as a global democrat through an examination of his work from The public and its problems (1927) onwards. Narayan shows how Dewey sets out an evolutionary form of global and national democracy in his work, that has not been fully appreciated even by contemporary scholars of pragmatism, and which offers valuable lessons for the twenty-first century and for our own hopes for global democracy.

The Black Supplementary School Movement has a fifty-year tradition of resisting racism in Britain. Central to the movement is a construction of African Diasporic Blackness that is marginalized in British scholarship. 'Political blackness', based on the unity ethnic minority groups, is an important frame of reference in Britain. This article will examine the limitations of 'political blackness' in relation to research carried out in the Black Supplementary School Movement that involved interviews with key activists and an archival analysis of documents at the George Padmore Institute. Political blackness is based on an inaccurate understanding of the relationship between multiculturalism and anti-racism; a misreading of the complex and global nature of racism and a non-strategic essentialism. The concept also creates a form non-whiteism, which disempowers ethnic minority communities and works to delegitimize African Diasporic Blackness, which has a tradition of resisting racist oppression. © 2016 Taylor & Francis

The linkage between race and migration, especially in the UK since the 1990s, has shifted from a focus on postcolonial migrants to focus on newer groups, while migration within the European Union has also altered the discussion of racism and migration. This critical review provides a framework for understanding how race is conceptualized (or ignored) in contemporary scholarship on migration. We identify three, partly overlapping nexi between migration and racialization: (1) 'Changing Migrations – Continuities of Racism'; (2) 'Complex Migrations – Differentialist Racialization'; (3) 'Post-racial Migrations – Beyond Racism'. The article analyses what each of these nexi bring into focus as well as what they neglect. The concept of race–migration nexus aids a fuller understanding of how migration and contemporary racialization are co-constructed. Scholars need to consider the relationship between migration and race to better address pressing issues of racism against migrants and settled communities.

Through a discourse analysis of four commercially successful Bollywood films between 2012-2013, this paper investigates Bollywood's role in creation of hierarchical identities in the Indian society wherein Muslims occupy the position of the inferior 'other' to the superior Hindu 'self'. Focusing on Muslim heroines, the paper demonstrates that the selected narratives attempt to move away from the older binary identity narratives of Muslim women such as nation vs. religion and hyper-sexualised courtesan vs. subservient veiled women, towards identity narratives borne out of Muslim women's choice of education, career and life partner, political participation, and embodied practices. However, in comparison to signs of change the sites of continuity are strongly embedded in the religious-nationalistic meta-narrative that drives the paradigms of Indian femininity/ womanhood. To conclude, the nature of the recent deployment of Muslim heroines in Bollywood reinforce the hierarchy between the genders (male-female), between the communities (Hindu-Muslim) and between nations (India- Pakistan).

At this point in time I thought I would try and take stock of contemporaneous influences on the UK economy and where I think we are going (a risky activity at best). Covid19 of course continues to dominate media coverage, with Brexit being relegated far lower down on the newsreels.Although –Brexit continues to percolate away of course, with the impending prospect of failure to reach a trade agreement with the EU coming at the end of the transition period (of continued frictionless trade with the EU) at the end of this year, should negotiations not move on beyond the current impasse on fishing and regulatory alignment (but more on this later).

Lockdown part one, when we were clapping on our doorsteps and putting rainbows up in our windows, as sad as it was, made me feel like I was a part of something. The whole nation was backing our NHS, cared about our frontline workers and we were just all a bit nicer to each other. Months on, approaching what is essentially Lockdown 2.0, I couldn't feel more different. In less than a year, the UK has gone from hating each other over Brexit, to loving and caring for each other, to feeling, yet again, more divided than ever before.

This paper focuses on surveillant relations between citizens and police. We consider how online platforms enable the public to support the task of policing, as well as empowering the public to work without and beyond the police. While community-supported policing interventions are not new, more recently mobile and accessible technologies have promoted and enabled a DIY (Do-It-Yourself) culture towards policing among the public. The paper examines watch groups or those who task themselves with monitoring suspicious or actual behaviours. We consider two empirical examples; first, a community alert group mediated through social media. Second, a group of businesses that circulate, via a website, CCTV images of (alleged) wrong-doing in their premises. Drawing on David Garland's (1996) work on responsibilisation, we situate the growth of these types of responsibilised groups within the contemporary economic and political climate of crime control in the UK. We argue that citizens are establishing new surveillant relations that are pushing policing in new and evolving directions.