The article provides a comparative analysis of the cultural practices of political populism and the popular culture. The leading role of the media in the formation and promotion of popular movements and leaders is emphasized. There is a difference in the understanding of a leader's charisma that brings new values, according to Max Weber, and the pseudo-charisma of modern populist leaders that is created by their regular presence in the media. Populist politician is seen as a sign in cultural communication, where the politician's personality is put as the signifier, and the ideology that the politician promotes — as the signified. Based on this analysis, three ideal types of populists have been identified: a blank sign that is focused on the present and represents populists without ideology; a sign that is oriented on the past and represents a populist national ideology; the sign that is oriented on the future and represents the reformers, the bearers of new social values. Theoretical approaches to the interpretation of popular culture are analyzed and it is pointed out that a mass society emerging is necessary both for the phenomenon of popular culture and for political populism to perform the quantitative indicator of public preferences. Common characteristics in the functioning of popular culture and populism are revealed — symbolism, emotionality, "origin from people", resistance against the system. The decisive role of the media in cultural communication for both popular culture and political populism is emphasized. However, there are significant differences between popular culture and political populism. Popular culture has its own values, while political populism uses values of others. Comparing popular culture and its impact on culture in general on one hand and political popularization and its impact on the political system on the other, a scrutator could expect for some renewal and diversification of current political institutions that would be a positive factor for the global political system and global society. ; У статті здійснено порівняльний аналіз культурних практик політичного популізму і популярної культури. Популістичного політика розглянуто як знак культурної комунікації і вио- кремлено три його ідеальні типи: пустий знак, орієнтований на сьогодення, який репрезентує популістів без ідеології; знак, орієнтований у минуле, який репрезентує популістську націоналістичну ідеологію; знак, орієнтований у майбутнє, який репрезентує реформаторів суспільних цінностей. Виявлено спільні характеристики в інтерпретації та функціюванні популярної культури та популізму — символізм, емоційність, походження «від простих людей», спротив системі, експлуатація прагнення емансипації. Підкреслено визначальну роль медіа у культурній комунікації як для популярної культури, так і для політичного популізму. Певне оновлення та урізноманітнення політичних інституцій стане тим критерієм, який дасть змогу визначити — що саме було вартісним у популярній культурі та політичному популізмі.
Further development of civilization is determined by the amount of accumulated knowledge. Welfare of society, its role in world politics depends on this accumulated knowledge and not on material resources. The Higher Education sphere becomes an eco-nomic and political category. Casual invasion of Science in society requires more inten-sive promotion and propagation of scientific knowledge in mass-media, creating special-ized scientific and popular publications. Key words: science, knowledge, information, civilization, mass-media, culture, popular science literature, humanity and society. ; Подальший розвиток цивілізації визначається обсягом накопиченх знань. Саме від них, а не від матеріальних ресурсів, залежить добробут суспільства, його роль у світовій політиці. Сфера вищої освіти стає категорією економічною та полі-тичною. Повсякденне вторгнення науки в життя суспільства вимагає дедалі інтен-сивнішої популяризації і пропаганди наукових знань на сторінках ЗМІ, творення спеціалізованих науково-популярних видань. Ключові слова: наука, знання, інформація, цивілізація, мас-медіа, культу-ра, науково-популярна література, людство, суспільство.
The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних передумов і практичних наслідків об'єднання критичної педагогіки і народної (популярної) освіти у Великій Британії. Доводиться, що атмосфера кризи у суспільстві і освіті актуалізувала пошуки "критичної надії" щодо можливості трансформувати формальну та неформальну освіту. Підкреслюється, що спільні засадничі принципи і мета, навіть на фоні теоретичних дискусій, дозволяють у критичних умовах об'єднатися, як то сталося у Великій Британії. Наголошується значення широкої коаліції задля модернізація системи освіти.Ключові слова: критична педагогіка, об'єднання "Гурт критична педагогіка/народна (популярна) освіта", народна (популярна) освіта, модернізація системи освіти. Статья посвящена анализу теоретических оснований и практических последствий объединения критической педагогики и народного (популярного) образования. Доказывается, что атмосфера кризиса в обществе и образовании актуализировала поиски «критической надежды» в отношении возможности трансформировать формальное и неформальное образование. Подчеркивается, что общие основные принципы и цель, даже на фоне теоретических дискуссий, позволяют в критических условиях объединиться, как это произошло в Великобритании. Подчеркивается значение широкой коалиции для модернизации системы образования.Ключевые слова: критическая педагогика, объединение «Группа критическая педагогика/народное (популярное) образование», народное (популярное) образование, модернизация системы образования. The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system.
It was shown that within the framework of the liberal paradigm, the economic basis of the concept of popular sovereignty was the volume of capital that could freely be converted into the resources of the authorities. At an early stage in the development of an industrial society, the free competition of a large number of owners contributed to a relatively even distribution of resources among them, which contributed to a significant increase in access to state-government decision-making. However, the monopolization of the economy in the last third of the nineteenth century. led to the removal of the bulk of the owners from the institutional influence on the state authorities, which was one of the main reasons for the decline of liberal ideology and the search for new concepts of the implementation of popular sovereignty. Тhe classics of liberal democracy came from the postulate of the equality of all members of society. Ignoring actual inequalities within the framework of a liberal theory has become contradictory with real political practice already in the first period of the existence of bourgeois republics. The introduction of a property qualification for the use of civil rights and quotas for participation in the election process for representatives of various social groups marked the exclusion from the composition of the nation as the bearer of the sovereignty of the actual majority of this nation.Key words: national sovereignty, liberalism, state power ; Показано, що в рамках ліберальної парадигми економічною основою концепції народного суверенітету був обсяг капіталів, що могли вільно конвертуватися у ресурси влади. На ранньому етапі розвитку індустріального суспільства вільна конкуренція великого числа власників сприяла відносно рівномірному розподілу ресурсів між ними, що сприяло суттєвому розширенню доступу до прийняття державно-владних рішень. Однак монополізація економіки в останній третині ХІХ ст. привела до відсторонення основної маси власників від інституційного впливу на органи державної влади, що стало однією з основних причин занепаду ліберальної ідеології та пошуку нових концепцій реалізації народного суверенітету.Ключові слова: народний суверенітет, лібералізм, державна влада. Показано, что в рамках либеральной парадигмы экономической основой концепции народного суверенитета был объем капиталов, которые могли свободно конвертироваться в ресурсы власти. На раннем этапе развития индустриального общества свободная конкуренция большого числа собственников способствовала относительно равномерному распределению ресурсов между ними, способствовало существенному расширению доступа к принятию государственно-властных решений. Однако монополизация экономики в последней трети XIX в. привела к отстранению основной массы владельцев от институционального влияния на органы государственной власти. Это стало одной из основных причин упадка классической либеральной идеологии и поиска новых концепций реализации народного суверенитета.Ключевые слова: народный суверенитет, либерализм, государственная власть. It was shown that within the framework of the liberal paradigm, the economic basis of the concept of popular sovereignty was the volume of capital that could freely be converted into the resources of the authorities. At an early stage in the development of an industrial society, the free competition of a large number of owners contributed to a relatively even distribution of resources among them, which contributed to a significant increase in access to state-government decision-making. However, the monopolization of the economy in the last third of the nineteenth century. led to the removal of the bulk of the owners from the institutional influence on the state authorities, which was one of the main reasons for the decline of liberal ideology and the search for new concepts of the implementation of popular sovereignty. Тhe classics of liberal democracy came from the postulate of the equality of all members of society. Ignoring actual inequalities within the framework of a liberal theory has become contradictory with real political practice already in the first period of the existence of bourgeois republics. The introduction of a property qualification for the use of civil rights and quotas for participation in the election process for representatives of various social groups marked the exclusion from the composition of the nation as the bearer of the sovereignty of the actual majority of this nation.Key words: national sovereignty, liberalism, state power
The article analyzes the main tools of the financial risk management system that have an influence on the decisions on the allocation of financial resources in the world market. There are such indicators among them as credit spread, yield curve, credit rating determined by a reputable international rating agency, credit default swaps spreads on corporate and sovereign securities.The article outlines current international credit derivatives market trends and the reasons for the credit default swaps (CDS) market decline after the global financial crisis of 2007-2009.Based on an analysis of contemporary publications, the functions and values of CDS in today's economy have been identified. It is concluded that CDS play an important role in the monitoring of financial sustainability and effective macroprudential policy, as well as being a key financial risk management tool used for efficient financial resource management and investment decision-making.The article also analyzes the current sovereign securities market trends in Ukraine and the factors that determine the foreign investors` demand for these sovereign securities.The econometric analysis concludes that the CDS spread on 5-year Ukrainian sovereign securities is an adequate indicator of sovereign risks, which plays an important role in the risk management system when investment decisions on Ukrainian securities are made. There is a close correlation between the value of these credit derivatives and the yield on domestic government loan bonds (OVDPs). Dynamics of CDS spreads on Ukrainian sovereign securities in the international CDS market plays an important role in monitoring and assessment of systemic risks in the Ukrainian economy, has an impact on the national financial market liquidity, influences its pricing processes, and plays an important role in making decisions on investing in domestic securities.Keywords: credit default swap, credit spread, yield curve, domestic government loan bonds, sovereign bonds, macroprudential policy. ; У статті проаналізовано основні інструменти системи фінансового ризик-менеджменту, що впливають на ухвалення рішень щодо алокації фінансових ресурсів на світовому ринку. Серед них виділяють спреди за кредитно-дефолтними свопами на корпоративні та суверенні цінні папери. На основі аналізу сучасних публікацій зроблено висновок про те, що CDS відіграють важливу роль у системі моніторингу фінансової стійкості та формуванні ефективної макропруденційної політики, а також є ключовим інструментом фінансового ризик-менеджменту задля ефективного управління фінансовими ресурсами та прийняття інвестиційних рішень.У статті також проаналізовано сучасні тенденції на ринку суверенних цінних паперів в Україні та чинники, що визначають попит іноземних інвесторів на суверенні цінні папери України. Проведений економетричний аналіз дав підстави зробити висновок про те, що котирування CDS на 5-річні українські суверенні цінні папери є адекватним індикатором суверенних ризиків, який відіграє важливу роль у системі ризик-менеджменту при ухваленні інвестиційних рішень щодо українських цінних паперів. Існує тісний кореляційний зв'язок між значенням спредів за даними кредитними деривативами та дохідністю облігацій внутрішньої державної позики ОВДП.Ключові слова: кредитно-дефолтний своп, кредитний спред, крива дохідності, облігації внутрішньої державної позики, суверенні облігації, макропруденційна політика.
The article highlights new books on such an outstanding figure of Ukraine of the XX century as Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky with the purpose of their popularization among humanities in general and journalistic scholars in particular. The question is about book novelties in a specific period by O. Dumanska, G. Tereshchuk, M. Perun, O. Gayova, M. Marynovych. The interest of broad sections of the researchers in the Metropolitan Andrew's versatile activities has not disappeared to date. Since 1899, because of historical circumstances, Metropolitan A. Sheptytsky began to serve as a spiritual pastor and an ethnarch for his nation under circumstances of statelessness.This article provides a thematic review of the scientific and popular scientific researches about Metropolitan A. Sheptytsky in the period of 2015-2019 in order to attract the journalist scholars attention to the main theses and principles presented in these works.New researches on Metropolitan Andrey have been separated into two groups. Their value lies in the fact that they pay attention to the church hierarch contribution into different circles of public life – politics, economy, culture, art, etc. Thematic analysis of the study's object in the article showed that addresses and instructions of Metropolitan Andrey within his service retain topical during the Russian hybrid war against Ukraine and the whole world. In particular, the thesis of a prominent public figure, former dissident M. Marynovych, from his new book are profoundly considered. Equally important to researchers of Ukrainian journalism history are biographical works of the above mentioned authors, in particular, their source base. It would help the researchers of a particular period to discover the social and political context in which the church press was published.The future researchers of the written heritage of Metropolitan A. Sheptytsky are tasked with displaying the value of his figure as a clever communicator with the broad social groups of that time. The source base, as it was shown in the article, is already ready for this purpose in book format – four volumes of his works (1899-1944) have been published in Lviv publishing house "Artos".Key words: journalist, new edition, bibliography, metropolitan Andrey. ; У статті виокремлено нові книжки про визначну постать України XX ст. митрополита Андрея Шептицького з метою їх популяризації серед гуманітаріїв загалом і журналістикознавців зокрема. Йдеться про книжкові новинки у конкретний період таких авторів, як О. Думанська, Г. Терещук, М. Перун, О. Гайова, М. Маринович. Їхні праці збагатили би джерельну базу тих дослідників, які цікавляться внеском митрополита Андрея у різні ділянки суспільного життя – політики, економіки, культури, мистецтва тощо. Хоч його служіння на початку входження на престол єпископа Станіславівського в 1899 році не було спрямовано саме в ці сфери, водночас через історичні обставини митрополит А. Шептицький став служити своєму народу як духовний пастир і етнарх в умовах бездержавності.Ключові слова: журналістикознавці, нове видання, бібліографія, митрополит Андрей.
The analysis of emotional reactions of the most popular Telegram channels from the category (News and Media) is conducted in the paper. Period: two months since the full-scale Russian invasion were taken into account. The paper's aim is to define and to interpret the Ukrainian Telegram-channels' leading emotions and to observe the most popular reactions' dynamics. A computer program (Python language) was designed for this objective. The program collected all the text items from the Telegram-channels, looked for the emoji and calculated its' number. It was defined, that for the observation period mostly positive emotions prevailed: pride, delight, gratitude. Telegram-channels, which aren't owned by the traditional mass media additionally used humor, sarcastic laughter at the enemy, irony. The emotionality dynamics analysis of 'Ukraina Sejchas' Telegram channel shown, that at the beginning the first phase of the war the reactions usage was more restrained. Afterwards, at the end of the first phase the number increased and decreased before the battle for Donbas. The periodization of the emotional reactions was created. Two weeks after the full-scaled Russian invasion gratitude and delight towards the defenders were the most popular. Afterwards the period of laughter, irony, sarcasm over the enemy was observed. In April, in anticipation of the battle for Donbas again gratitude and delight prevailed. And since 15th of April proud and strength dominated. The reactions usage analysis of the most popular Ukrainian Telegram-channels shown, that in Ukrainian digital political discourse the positive reactions prevailed mostly. Negative reactions were observed not so often. There were anger or irritation. Horror, fear, and sadness were mentioned rarely despite the style of Russian behavior on the battlefields, when attacks on civilians are held, terror and intimidation are used as instruments of the war. Thus, on the emotional level Ukrainian society resisted the invasion, demonstrated confidence and strength. ; У статті ...
The analysis of emotional reactions of the most popular Telegram channels from the category (News and Media) is conducted in the paper. Period: two months since the full-scale Russian invasion were taken into account. The paper's aim is to define and to interpret the Ukrainian Telegram-channels' leading emotions and to observe the most popular reactions' dynamics. A computer program (Python language) was designed for this objective. The program collected all the text items from the Telegram-channels, looked for the emoji and calculated its' number. It was defined, that for the observation period mostly positive emotions prevailed: pride, delight, gratitude. Telegram-channels, which aren't owned by the traditional mass media additionally used humor, sarcastic laughter at the enemy, irony. The emotionality dynamics analysis of 'Ukraina Sejchas' Telegram channel shown, that at the beginning the first phase of the war the reactions usage was more restrained. Afterwards, at the end of the first phase the number increased and decreased before the battle for Donbas. The periodization of the emotional reactions was created. Two weeks after the full-scaled Russian invasion gratitude and delight towards the defenders were the most popular. Afterwards the period of laughter, irony, sarcasm over the enemy was observed. In April, in anticipation of the battle for Donbas again gratitude and delight prevailed. And since 15th of April proud and strength dominated. The reactions usage analysis of the most popular Ukrainian Telegram-channels shown, that in Ukrainian digital political discourse the positive reactions prevailed mostly. Negative reactions were observed not so often. There were anger or irritation. Horror, fear, and sadness were mentioned rarely despite the style of Russian behavior on the battlefields, when attacks on civilians are held, terror and intimidation are used as instruments of the war. Thus, on the emotional level Ukrainian society resisted the invasion, demonstrated confidence and strength. ; У статті ...
Проаналізовано міфорелігійні аспекти формування ідеології. Показано, що сучасна масова культура народжує нові міфи, здатні змінювати реальність на користь тих чи інших соціальних, політичних, культурних запитів. Наведено особливості логіки міфорелігійного мислення, яке пов'язане з чуттєвим сприйняттям дійсності. У сучасному світі міфорелігійне мислення може формуватися під впливом різних ідеологічних програм. ; Analyzed the mythic and religious aspects of the formation of ideology. Since shown that modern mass culture creates new myths that can alter reality in favor of particular social, political, and cultural needs. Are the features of the logic of the mythic and religious thinking, which is associated with sensory perception of reality. In today's world, the mythic and religious thinking can be shaped by a variety of ideological programs.
Introduction. In modern foreign and Ukrainian intellectual thought the growing interest in the phenomenon of traditional cultureis observed. It is stipulated by the fact that globalization has substantially blurred the foundations of national identity. The need for search of cultural and value orientations has actualized the study of those factors that would become the new conceptual basis of national strategies and would ensure the ideological and cultural unity of the population of national states. This would safeguard the latter on the political scene of the world.The construction of a common historical memory and cultural values of the community necessitates constant reconsideration, and in the case of Ukraine, the return to the cultural treasury of the nation, the theoretical groundwork of those thinkers who devoted their lives to highlighting the cultural uniqueness of the community. In cases where the cultural identity and mental uniqueness of Ukrainians as an ethno-cultural and national community are revealed, I. Ohienko's intellectual heritage occupies one of the leading places. He made one of the first and most successful attempts to show the mental uniqueness of Ukrainians through the prism of the phenomenon of dual faith. The purpose of our research is to highlight the peculiarities of the interpretation and ethno-creative potential of dual faith menon in I. Ohienko's creative heritage. The task of the paper is to highlight the conceptual and socio-cultural prerequisites of I. Ohienko's appeal to the dual faith phenomenon, to reveal its significance not only in the process of formation of ethno-cultural and religious identity of Ukrainians, but also its deliberate and purposeful destruction during the XX century. Methods. The paper is based on the principle of the unity of the historical and logical. The central place in the research process is played by methods of historical and philosophical reconstruction and cultural analysis. Inter alia hermeneutic method and method of comparative analysis are ...
In article to cover a certain aspect the politics for dynasty for russe the house for princely, to pay heed to the most popular it representative. ; В статье освещаются некоторые аспекты династической политики русского княжеского дома, уделено внимание наиболее известным его представителям. ; In article to cover a certain aspect the politics for dynasty for russe the house for princely, to pay heed to the most popular it representative.
The article analyzes the problem of Ukraine's independence. Independence is viewed in two ways: as a formal legal act and as the real sovereignty of the people. The acquisition of real sovereignty is seen as a process of achieving social maturity (education) of the people in the course of its history. Shows the genealogy of the idea of an independent state and its connection with the era of modernity. The idea of state independence is not inherent in either the political consciousness or the practice of most of the era of civilization until the beginning of modernity. The thesis is substantiated that independence is an important social task of modern Ukrainian society, and not a fact of its life. The political and legal basis of independence is the sovereignty of the people. It is declared by the constitution, but did not take place de facto. The limited sovereignty of the people is associated with the usurpation of power and property in Ukraine by a closed ruling corporation. The article analyzes three main social forces that determined the development of the country during the period of independence. They are: the selfish interest of the new ruling class, the state aspiration of the protest movement (it is usually called national democratic) and the inertia of Soviet life of the bulk of the population. There is a meaningful connection between the way of governing in the Soviet system and the regime of the dominant corporation in contemporary Ukrainian history. The key feature of the ruling corporation is the implicit, hidden nature of its dominance. This destroys productive social dynamics, creates the preconditions for social collapse. Recently, after the second Maidan, there has been a lawsuit between the people – civil society – and the corporation of rulers and its social satellites for the organization of public life. It is concluded that only the elimination of the privileged position of the ruling corporation opens up the prospect of real democracy and the productive development of Ukraine in a globalized world. ; У статті аналізується проблема незалежності України. Незалежність розглядається подвійно: як формально-правовий акт і як правдивий суверенітет народу. Набуття реального суверенітету розглядається як процес досягнення соціальної зрілості (виховання) народу в ході його історії. Показана генеалогія ідеї незалежної держави і її зв'язок з епохою модерну. Ідея державної незалежності не притаманна ані політичній свідомості, ані практиці більшої частини доби цивілізації аж до початку модерну. Обґрунтовується теза, що незалежність є важливою соціальним завданням сучасного українського суспільства, а не простим фактом його життя. Політико-правовою основою незалежності є суверенітет народу. Він декларований конституцією, але не відбувся де-факто. Обмеженість суверенітету народу пов'язується з узурпацією влади і власності в Україні замкненою правлячою корпорацією. Аналізуються три основні соціальні сили, які визначали розвиток країни періоду незалежності. Ними є: корисливий інтерес нового панівного класу, державницькі прагнення протестного руху (що його зазвичай іменують національно-демократичним) і інерція радянського життя переважної маси населення. Простежується змістовний зв'язок між способом урядування в радянській системі і режимом правління панівної корпорації в новітній українській історії. Ключовою особливістю правлячої корпорації є неявний, прихований характер її панування. Це руйнує продуктивну соціальну динаміку, створює передумови для соціального колапсу. В останній період, після другого майдану, спостерігається тяжба народу – громадянської спільноти – з корпорацією можновладців та її соціальними сателітами за організацію суспільної життєдіяльності. Робиться висновок про те, що тільки знищення привілейованого положення правлячої корпорації відкриває перспективу реального народовладдя і продуктивного розвитку України в умовах глобального світу.
Introduction. Emancipation processes in Dnieper Ukraine contributed to expansion of the readership and appearance ofthe prints "for the people," created for educational and commercial purposes. The ways of anti-alcohol theme representation inboth groups of publications revealed the multilayered cultural fi eld of the language of communication with the "new readers,"which was formed in the process of their enculturation into the expanse of modern public communication.Purpose. The purpose of the research is to consider the models of representation of anti-alcohol attitudes in Ukrainianpopular editions of educational and commercial character at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. The research methodologyis based on application of the interdisciplinary approach at the intersection of cultural and reading history, bibliography andliterature studies.Results. Ukrainian-language prints on anti-alcohol topics have been identifi ed. Strategies of their development andspecifi city of their ideological and theoretical content were analyzed.Originality. The "cultural fi eld" of anti-alcohol prints "for the people" has been studied as a multilayered synthesisof ideas and perceptions, which the authors tried to adapt in accordance with their own goals and perception of "the newreaders".Conclusion. Ukrainian intellectuals reinterpreted the problem of alcoholism in a modernist and educational paradigm.By popularizing scientifi c achievements, they used rhetorical techniques of anti-alcohol propaganda of the authorities andthe Orthodox Church, Ukrainian religious literature, appealed to the common perceptions of the peasants and to the nationalintellectual traditions. When formed the ideas of the modern cultural world, they tried to infl uence changes in the way of lifeand identifi cation of the peasants, offered examples of orientation in social and political life, contributed to the expansion ofthe Ukrainian cultural space. Compilers of commercial editions in Ukrainian mastered the theme on the border of formulasof popular literature, forklore tradition, and narrow-minded views on the problems of culture. Their writings were a mediumbetween "high" and "popular" culture, another way of public communication. ; Автором проаналізовано моделі репрезентації антиалкогольних настанов в україномовних популярних виданняхпросвітницького і комерційного характеру на зламі ХІХ - ХХ ст. Висвітлено стратегії їх укладання та специфікуідейно-теоретичного вмісту. «Культурне поле» таких видань розглянуте як багатошаровий синтез ідей та уявлень,які укладачі намагались адаптували відповідно до поставлених цілей та пристосувати для сприйняття «новихчитачів».
У статті детально розглядаються суперечливі моменти історії дивізії "Галичина", аналізуються найбільш поширені точки зору на це формування, визначається місце дивізії в системі військ СС. ; In the article it is shown debated moments of division «Galizien» history. The most popular theories on the armed forces and its place in the military system of Waffen SS are analyzed.
Плавання один з наймасовіших і популярних видів спорту з багатою історією стрункою системою правління з багатьма видатними спортсменами, талановитими тренерами та високо-ефективними школами тренувань. Сучасне плавання відрізняється виключно високим рівнем спортивних досягнень та великою конкуренцією на міжнародній арені великої кількості плавців із багатьох країн світу. Плавання по праву можна віднести до народного виду спорту на рівні з боротьбою, бігом та боксом. Тому, що воно тісно пов'язано з працею, побутом та військовою діяльністю людей. Плавання ефективний засіб зміцнення серцевосудинної та дихальної системи. Надзвичайна популярність плавання пов'язана з фантастичним зростанням рекордів з цього виду спорту. Це стало можливо у результаті проведення широкого комплексу досліджень в плаванні з біоенергетиці, біомеханіці, гідродинаміці тощо. З перерахованих досліджень основним є біоенергетичні дослідження, оскільки витривалість визначає спортивні досягнення в плаванні. Swimming is one of the most popular and popular sports with a rich history of a lean management system with many prominent athletes, talented coaches and high-performing training schools. Modern swimming is characterized by exceptionally high levels of sporting achievements and great competition in the international arena by a large number of swimmers from many countries of the world. Swimming can rightly be attributed to the popular sport at the level of wrestling, jogging and boxing. Because it is closely related to the work, life and military activities of the people. Swimming is an effective means of strengthening the cardiovascular and respiratory systems. The extreme popularity of swimming is associated with the fantastic growth of records in this sport. This was possible as a result of a wide range of studies in swimming in bioenergy, biomechanics, hydrodynamics, anthropomotics and more. Of these studies, bioenergy research is essential, as endurance determines sporting achievements in swimming
