Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The homegrown strategy (i.e. supporting domestic enterprises) in the high-tech manufacturing sector is very important for developing countries' sustainable growth and economic security. In reality, only some local governments adopt the homegrown strategy in high-tech industries while others not. This paper attempts to explore factors affecting local governments' adoption of the homegrown strategy in the high-tech sector. It argues that under the decentralized fiscal system and relative performance–based cadre evaluation system, local development strategy choices in a high-tech industry are significantly shaped by two factors: (1) the size of the local high-tech product market in the early stage of this industry's development and (2) the support for domestic enterprises from the central government. Localities with a large local high-tech product market and support from the center are more likely to adopt the homegrown strategy. Case studies on eight Chinese sub-provincial localities' chipmaking industries confirm these hypotheses.

The purpose of this paper is to study whether the central government in Sweden approves applications for temporary grants from municipalities according to political objectives. We also study factors that determine the municipal decision to apply for temporary grants. Two hypotheses are tested, that the central government supports municipalities with many swing voters in order to influence voters, and that the central government provides benefits to groups that share its ideology and that provide political support. Data is used from three election years 1982, 1985, and 1988. Under the Socialist governments municipalities with a high share of Socialist voters were more likely to apply for grants. The same pattern does not apply to the 1982 Conservative government. There is evidence that Socialist governments approved temporary grants on the basis of party tactical criteria. However, there is no indication of vote purchasing behaviour by the 1982 Conservative government. [Copyright 2007 Elsevier B.V.]

Governments are the major issuers of debt instruments in the global financial market. This 2005 edition provides quantitative information on central government debt broken down by instrument and duration for the 30 OECD member countries for the period 1994 to 2003. Cross-country summary tables provide data in US dollars and more detailed country tables provide data in national currency values. . Statistics are presented according to a comprehensive standard framework to allow cross-country comparison. Country notes provide information on deb

This article focuses on discussing governance, which is defined as the government's ability in governance. Governability is influenced by the number of parties, the degree of political polarization between parties, party participation in government, and the relationship between most of the parliament and the executive. This research was conducted using a qualitative method with a descriptive analytical approach that describes, describes, and analyzes the governability in Central Sulawesi after the election of governors and vice governors in 2015. Although it has the potential for divided government to occur in the Regional Government of Central Sulawesi because only 13 seats or 29% of 45 (forty-five) the number of seats in the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD), but in fact throughout 2016-2020 it was running effectively. There has never been any rejection of government programs by the DPRD during the 2016-2020 government. An interesting finding in this research is that the capacity and background of the regional head from the regional head elections has a big role in building governance with the ability to establish communication and coordination with DPRD members. Regional heads with good capacities and a background in bureaucracy and politicians also influence the performance of local governments and are related to their relationship with the DPRD. The governor who governs and the interaction between the governor and the governed all contribute to governability, including the type of external influence

This article focuses on discussing governance, which is defined as the government's ability in governance. Governability is influenced by the number of parties, the degree of political polarization between parties, party participation in government, and the relationship between most of the parliament and the executive. This research was conducted using a qualitative method with a descriptive analytical approach that describes, describes, and analyzes the governability in Central Sulawesi after the election of governors and vice governors in 2015. Although it has the potential for divided government to occur in the Regional Government of Central Sulawesi because only 13 seats or 29% of 45 (forty-five) the number of seats in the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD), but in fact throughout 2016-2020 it was running effectively. There has never been any rejection of government programs by the DPRD during the 2016-2020 government. An interesting finding in this research is that the capacity and background of the regional head from the regional head elections has a big role in building governance with the ability to establish communication and coordination with DPRD members. Regional heads with good capacities and a background in bureaucracy and politicians also influence the performance of local governments and are related to their relationship with the DPRD. The governor who governs and the interaction between the governor and the governed all contribute to governability, including the type of external influence

New-style central banking in many advanced economies, involving the use of unconventional monetary policy instruments and forward guidance at the effective lower bound for interest rates, has raised questions about the appropriate role of fiscal policy - also in the euro area, where a fiscal counterpart to the European Central Bank (ECB) and the Eurosystem is missing. This paper considers three areas where euro area governments could act as the 'joint sovereign' behind the euro and support the ECB in its task of maintaining price stability, staying within the boundaries of the Maastricht Treaty. First, member countries could coordinate a growth-friendly aggregate economic policy mix that is supportive of the single monetary policy, with the help of a central fiscal capacity subject to common decision-making. Second, they could introduce a safe sovereign asset for the eurozone without assuming common liability in order to anchor financial integration and facilitate monetary policy implementation. Third, the significant benefits for the Eurosystem from a lower burden on monetary policy and a reduced exposure to sovereign risk could make it acceptable for euro area governments to indemnify it against potential large losses on its much expanded balance sheet. The fundamental solution, however, lies in advancing with fiscal integration to address the 'institutional loneliness' of the Eurosystem with full respect for its independent status. ; The ADEMU Working Paper Series is being supported by the European Commission Horizon 2020 European Union funding for Research & Innovation, grant agreement No 649396.