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This paper examines configurations of carbon neutrality in the building and energy sector as expressed in the urban governance documents of the members of the Carbon Neutral Cities Alliance (CNCA). 'Carbon neutrality' is a mutable idea, which makes it unclear what kinds of future urban systems are imagined. As self-identified pioneers of deep decarbonization, the CNCA members are constructing ideas about what carbon neutral means and how urban systems should be changed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In this paper, climate governance policy documents provide a window to understand how these carbon neutral imaginaries are being constructed. The analysis draws on discourse analysis and textual network analysis to unpack the sociotechnical configurations that are planned to be mobilized to constitute carbon neutral built environments. Concept map visualizations are used to scrutinize planned configurations of objects (e.g. solar photovoltaics, district energy and energy efficiency technology) and policy instruments (e.g. energy use benchmarking and urban planning tools). The analysis shows three key building and energy configurations: (1) The District Energy City, (2) The Zero Net Energy City and (3) The Natural Gas Transition City. Furthermore, the findings demonstrate that urban imaginaries of carbon neutrality are incorporating complex configurations of socio-technical objects while, at the same time, distinct socio-technical configurations are being favoured in individual places. These configurations inform socio-technical imaginaries that will continue to drive policy outcomes over time.

Cities are considered "engines of economic growth," yet many cities in the global South struggle to increase productivity and provide significant economic opportunities for their growing populations. There is a need to deepen the knowledge on the links between public goods and services and equitable economic growth and how to support such processes, in policy and strategic terms, locally and globally. Against this background, this publication developed in the collaboration between Cities Alliance's Equitable Economic Growth Cities Campaign initiative and three international research networks N-AERUS, AURI, REDEUS_LAC. The research explores how the interface between urban research and policymaking can be redefined to ensure that public goods and services foster equitable growth. It reveals a richness of practices that provide a broad and lasting positive impact in terms of equitable economic growth in urban development. One of them shows that collaborative efforts between academia, policy makers, communities, and practitioners can play a crucial role in enriching these debates and processes.

The San Franciscan Origins -- The World's First Sharing City -- The Story of the Sharing Cities Alliance -- The transformation of Milan -- Sharing Towns - Building success with the sharing economy outside big cities -- Sharing cities in Australia -- The status of the sharing economy in Japan -- Challenges and expectations in Taiwan -- Laissez faire and sharing in Hong Kong -- Beppu -- Chiba -- Dublin -- Fort Lauderdale -- Gothenburg -- Hong Kong -- Ilsan -- Ishinomaki -- Kuala Lumpur -- Malmö -- Matsuyama -- Milan -- Osaka -- Perth -- Selangor -- Darul -- Ehsan -- Seoul -- Shinagawa -- Singapore -- Stockholm -- Sydney -- Taiwan -- Taku -- Teshio -- Umeå.

This article applies major propositions about local growth politics to two types of cities and to an extended time frame normally absent in previous studies. Houston typifies the "new," or Sunbelt, city, and Milwaukee represents the "old" manufacturing centers of the North. Findings indicate that both cities historically have relied heavily on public-private partnerships to promote emerging sectors of the economy. However, the composition and strategies of their growth-oriented alliances varied significantly over time. The data also suggest revising assumptions about federal programs, finance capital, political entrepreneurs, and the links between public agencies and private business in the prevailing model of growth-oriented elites.

This paper provides a distinctive analysis of the value of international intermediation alliances for co-production, based on the way they operate in practice. While much attention is paid to ideal or normative models of co-production, there is less understanding of the complexities that pervade co-production practices in specific contexts or how this shapes outcomes. Despite longstanding critiques and reflection, international partnerships can reinforce unequal power dynamics embedded in already unequal global research and knowledge production circuits. However, such partnerships, despite their structural problems, can also give rise to more informal relations wherein the long-term value of international co-production inheres. We call for a re-examination of these complex sets of informal relations, beyond the structures of partnerships, that enable co-production across local and global divides. Drawing on comparative international evidence, we propose a framework for understanding and action based on the concepts of alliances, allyship and activism. These three characteristics of international co-production partnerships can constitute socio-material infrastructures that help maintain relationships of solidarity and care over time beyond the remit of individual projects. While this is relevant in any co-production context it becomes particularly important in international research projects so that they do not paradoxically reproduce colonising structures of knowledge production in the search for more just cities.

Countries across Africa are rapidly transitioning from rural to urban societies. The UN projects that 60% of people living in Africa will be in urban areas by 2050, with the urban population on the continent tripling over the next 50 years. The challenge of building inclusive and sustainable cities in the context of rapid urbanization is arguably the critical development issue of the 21st Century and creating food secure cities is key to promoting health, prosperity, equity, and ecological sustainability. The expansion of Africa's urban population is taking place largely in secondary cities: these are broadly defined as cities with fewer than half a million people that are not national political or economic centres. The implications of secondary urbanization have recently been described by the Cities Alliance as "a real knowledge gap", requiring much additional research not least because it poses new intellectual challenges for academic researchers and governance challenges for policy-makers. International researchers coming from multiple points of view including food studies, urban studies, and sustainability studies, are starting to heed the call for further research into the implications for food security of rapidly growing secondary cities in Africa. This book will combine this research and feature comparable case studies, intersecting trends, and shed light on broad concepts including governance, sustainability, health, economic development, and inclusivity. This is an open access book.

The measures for promoting SE progress in Latin America (LA) the Alliance for Progress, need reevaluating, esp re relative emphasis placed on Ru & Ur problems. A failure to give due recognition to the Ur problems of LA Indust'al development took precedence over housing & municipal planning. It is only slowly realized that econ & soc change must develop together. But even now Ur land reform is at the bottom of the priorities. It is not fully realized that LA is not primarily a RU area, but has striking Ur predominance. The problems created by LA's rapid Ur'tion are enormous & SE unrest will continue under the present Ur conditions. Nat'l econ planning will have to include physical planning for cities. A major task is that nat'l planning bodies should perform within a democratic context; otherwise one of the major goals of the Alliance for Progress will be frustrated. IPSA.

The literature on divided (or contested) cities has expanded rapidly during the past decade, with a handful of iconic sites presiding over the long list of cities wounded by conflict, violence or general unrest. In this article, it is suggested that this literature has overlooked a particular, and increasingly prominent, type of divided city deserving of attention in its own right: the geopolitical fault-line city. The main differences between the "classic" divided city and the geopolitical fault-line city relate to the character and origin of conflict. In divided cities, conflict is mostly local and related to social and spatial justice concerns, discrimination, security and political representation; this makes it somewhat predictable. In geopolitical fault-line cities, on the other hand, the main disputes are about geopolitical alignment, foreign policy, and the overall character of government; such disputes are largely scripted elsewhere, adding a substantial measure of volatility. This article's contribution lies in its provisional theorization of the geopolitical fault-line city in the light of the literature on divided cities. Against a background of powerful ongoing changes in the global information landscape – most notably the increased influence of social media – it illustrates the main characteristics of the geopolitical fault-line city, theorizing its distinctiveness as intrinsically related to the spatio-temporal evolution of information diffusion across the territories of antagonistically predisposed geopolitical alliances.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Editorial -- About the Guest-Editor -- Introduction Cities and Their Specificities: Standards, Customs and the Making of 21st-Century Urbanity -- Standards, Customs and Old Habits -- Searching for Cities with Qualities -- Globalisation, Urbanisation and the Asian Century -- The Legacies of Henry Ford and Frederick Taylor -- Navigating Histories and Theories of Industry and the City -- Industrial Paradigms: Drivers of Change -- Scaling-Up Architectural Urbanism -- Mass Customisation and Standardisation: An Urban Dialectic -- Utopia and Standardisation -- Mass Customisation and the City of Affective Alliances -- Towards a Distinctive Urbanism: An Interview with Kenneth Frampton -- CULTURE AND CITIES IN THE AGE OF GLOBALISATION -- ASIAN URBANISATION: CITIES WITHOUT HISTORY -- (NEO-)TRADITIONAL CULTURES AND VERNACULARISM -- UNIVERSAL TECHNIQUES AND TECHNOLOGIES -- URBAN IDENTITY IN THE 21ST CENTURY -- Miesian Grids and the Domain of Ink -- A Sense of Order -- Modern Generic Grids and Multifaceted Contemporary Subjectivities -- Computational Grids and New Collective Imaginations -- Standardising Heterogeneity: Public Housing and the Absent(ed) Architect -- Deconcentrating Poverty: Topological Housing Policies -- Architect: Removed -- Standardising Mass-Heterogeneity -- Decapitalising Innovation -- Simultaneous City -- Custom Finance, Social Economy -- From Mass Customisation to Design 'Democratisation' -- Meta-Designing a House -- 'Democratising' Design -- On Modelling Complexity and Urban Form -- Descriptive Models of Urban Complexity -- Generative Models of Urban Complexity -- Computational Precedents -- Towards a Simplified and Adaptive Urban Model -- Mass Customisation of Urban Form -- Samsung Raemian Housing Masterplan, Haan River, Seoul, Korea: Contemporary Architecture Practice.

Effective urban governance is essential in responding to the challenges of inequality, migration, public health, housing, security, and climate change. Reclaiming Democracy in Cities frames the city as a political actor in its own right, exploring the city's potential to develop deliberative and participatory practices which help inform innovative democratic solutions to modern day challenges. Bringing together expertise from an international selection of scholars from various fields, this book begins with three chapters which discuss the theoretical idea of the democratic city and the real-world applicability of such a model. Part II discusses new and innovative democratic practices at the local level and asks in what way these practices help us to rethink democratic politics, institutions, and mechanisms in order to move toward a more egalitarian, pluralist, and inclusive direction. Drawing on the Istanbul municipal elections and the Kurdish municipal experience, Part III focuses on the question of whether cities and local governments can lead to the emergence of strong democratic forces that oppose authoritarian regimes. Finally, Part IV discusses urban solidarity networks and collaborations at both the local level and beyond the nation, questioning whether urban solidarity networks and alliances with civil society or transnational city networks can create alternative ways of thinking about the city as a locus of democracy. This edited volume will appeal to academics, researchers, and advanced students in the fields of urban studies, particularly those with an interest in democratic theory; local democracy; participation and municipalities. It will also be relevant for practitioners of local governments, NGOs, and advocacy groups and activists working for solidarity networks between cities.

If the governance challenges of climate change have been well researched for medium-sized, affluent and larger entrepreneurial cities, relatively little is known about climate urbanism in small-to-medium-sized cities experiencing long-term industrial decline, social deprivation and austerity. Such structurally disadvantaged cities often struggle to build inclusive new climate alliances, attract green jobs, and forge new images. This intervention argues that research on climate urbanism needs to consider two emerging trends in structurally disadvantaged cities: (1) how austerity is producing uneven geographies of climate urbanism; (2) the local social and economic conditions underpinning the construction of new climate alliances around alternative trajectories of urban development.