Suchergebnisse

Zwei populäre Thesen verbindet die westliche Theorie, besonders seit den Erfahrungen in Osteuropa 1989, mit der wirtschaftlichen Liberalisierung in sozialistischen Planwirtschaften: über die Ausbildung autonomer Allianzen der Unternehmer untereinander wie auch zwischen Unternehmern und anderen sozialen Gruppen würden Kapazitäten geschaffen für berufsständische wie allgemein-soziale und politische Interessenvertretung im Sinne der "civil society". Im Rahmen einer Feldforschung in Xiamen wurden diese Thesen für die VR China widerlegt. Gründe für die fehlende Ausbildung solcher Allianzen sind eher in institutionellen Aspekten des chinesischen (Wirtschafts-)Systems zu suchen als in mentalitätsanalytischen Ansätzen. Innerhalb der Unternehmerschaft können so sehr unterschiedliche vertikal oder horizontal orientierte Verhaltens- und Allianzmuster interpretiert werden. (APCh-Emn)

Discusses the recent effort to ally progressive US intellectuals & the working classes demonstrated by a 3 Oct 1996 teach-in with the labor movement, which drew 1,300+ people to Columbia U (New York, NY). As the campus has become a crucial site of labor struggles involving service workers, clerical employees, graduate students, & faculty, it is argued that networks formed by these teach-ins might become the basis for a national organization of scholars, writers, & artists for a revitalized labor movement. This organization might provide resources for student groups engaged in labor struggles & sponsor newsletters & magazines. The fractiousness of organized labor remains an obstacle, but the fact that the American Federal of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organization (AFL-CIO) sponsored the Columbia event bodes well for the future. D. M. Smith

Introduction -- The residential neighborhood -- The cultural street -- The midtown of China -- The new economies -- Outlook -- Index of persons, institutions, and firms

The political opportunity structure (POS) debate has mainly focused on how institutional and cultural factors shape the mobilization of immigrants in receiving societies. Nevertheless, they have not focused on alliances between specific actors as a political opportunity. This paper aims to construct an interpretive framework, within the POS, to study how the resolution of politicized immigration conflicts (PICs) at the local level facilitates alliances between political parties and immigrant associations. The guiding question is: How do alliances between political parties and immigrant associations emerge in the resolution of PICs at the local level? I argue that these alliances emerge because of the specific local political environment surrounding the resolution of PICs. This framework seeks to expand the POS debate by challenging the existing literature that considers alliances an explanatory factor of mobilization; highlighting the importance of specific alliances in the local management of immigration and offering a typology of alliances.

To address the low performance of health care service delivery in the half-market system, the Chinese government has begun to advocate the medical alliance (MA) recently. Instead of strict regulations on the procedure of diagnosis and treatment, flexible resource sharing among medical institutions of different grades inside each MA is encouraged. By now, many attempts have been made for MA establishment from different perspectives, but there is no effective model maturely developed. For the promotion of the spatial accessibility to medical services at different levels, it is important to organize the hierarchial medial services according to the distributions of different grades of health care facilities in a city. With the city proper of Tianjin as the study case, we explored the optimal establishment of MAs using the geographic information system (GIS). By means of the Voronoi Diagrams, the service regions of different medical institutions were precisely defined and the organizational structure of hierarchical medical services in MAs was determined. Through interpolation analysis, accessibility to different levels of medical services was measured, and on this basis, discussions were conducted on the service efficiency of the MAs. According to the results from Tianjin, (1) under the proposed organizational model for MAs, the fit of the service regions of the first grade and the other two higher grades of medical institutions was good. but the fit of the second and the third grade medical institutions was insufficient. (2) Although the overall service efficiency was excellent, there were still deficiencies in a number of the MAs. (3) Increasing the number of second and third grade medical institutions in specific regions near the city's edge, as well as the number of first grade institutions, could further improve the performance of hierarchical medical services.

During 2014, Yemen observers suspected former President Ali Abdullah Saleh of facilitating, if not orchestrating, the Houthi military expansion into the Governorates of Amran and Sana'a. At that time, Saleh and his loyalists at the General People Congress (GPC) were leading a counterrevolution against President Abdrahbu Mansour Hadi and his backers from the Islah party (Yemen's Muslim Brotherhood), who had spearheaded the "Arab Spring" uprising of 2011. On July 8, 2014, the battle-hardened Houthi fighters, locally known as the Popular Committees (PCs), seized control of the city of Amran, the northwestern gateway into the capital Sana'a. By the evening of September 21, the PCs had captured the Sana'a City Municipality. Although the Houthi-Saleh alliance was implicit at first, it was formalized in early August with the formation of the Supreme Political Council (SPC). The anti-Hadi coup had achieved its goal.