Einschätzung der Gefahr des Kommunismus innerhalb und außerhalb der USA durch lokale Eliten. Einstellung zur Einschränkung bürgerlicher Freiheitsrechte, um diese Bedrohung abzuwenden.
Themen: Lebenszufriedenheit; wichtigste persönliche und politische Probleme; wichtigste Gesprächsthemen mit Bekannten und Freunden; Einschätzung der Gefahr des Kommunismus in der Welt und der Gefahr eines neuen Krieges; präferiertes Verhalten gegenüber der Sowjetunion; Einstellung zur Rüstungsbegrenzung; Charakterisierung amerikanische Kommunisten; Einschätzung der Gefahr durch inneramerikanischer Kommunisten; Einstellung zur Begrenzung bürgerlicher Freiheitsrechte zur Bekämpfung von Kommunisten; Einstellung zu Kommunisten (Skala); Toleranz und Konformität; Vermutungen über die Informiertheit des FBI über die Kommunisten im Lande; Einstellung zur Beschäftigung von Kommunisten im Bildungssystem; Beurteilung der Arbeit des Congressional Committees bzw. Nixon-Komitees; Erziehungsstil; Mediennutzung; Parteipräferenz; Religiosität.
Einschätzung der Gefahr des Kommunismus innerhalb und außerhalb der USA durch die amerikanische Bevölkerung. Einstellung zur Einschränkung bürgerlicher Freiheitsrechte, um diese Bedrohung abzuwenden.
Themen: Lebenszufriedenheit; wichtigste persönliche und politische Probleme; wichtigste Gesprächsthemen mit Bekannten und Freunden; Einschätzung der Gefahr des Kommunismus in der Welt und der Gefahr eines neuen Krieges; präferiertes Verhalten gegenüber der Sowjetunion; Einstellung zur Rüstungsbegrenzung; Charakterisierung amerikanischer Kommunisten; Einschätzung der Gefahr durch inneramerikanischer Kommunisten; Einstellung zur Begrenzung bürgerlicher Freiheitsrechte zur Bekämpfung von Kommunisten; Einstellung zu Kommunisten (Skala); Toleranz und Konformität; Vermutungen über die Informiertheit des FBI über die Kommunisten im Lande; Einstellung zur Beschäftigung von Kommunisten im Bildungssystem; Beurteilung der Arbeit des Congressional Committees bzw. Nixon-Komitees; Erziehungsstil; Mediennutzung; Parteipräferenz; Religiosität.
This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'. Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy. The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.
This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'. Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy. The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.
The RNCw-Data Set comprises multiple variables relating to the role of national identity and of religion in the national constitutions of 189 countries worldwide. These variables were content-coded from those articles in the constitution texts that refer directly and explicitly to 'religion' and 'nation'.
Countries covered in the data set needed to both be officially recognized by the UN and have a written, single-document constitution in order to be included. The countries not included (for different reasons throughout the list) are: Canada, Congo, Israel, Kosovo, New Zealand, Puerto Rico, San Marino, Saudi Arabia, South Sudan, Sudan, Taiwan and the United Kingdom.
The most recent text versions of constitutions considered here where those of the end of 2016, i.e., we are looking at a snapshot of the included constitutions as the stood in 2016. The analysed constitution texts were all pulled from constituteproject.org, which provided us with the English translations for all countries (except Congo, which is not available in English and thus was excluded from our data set).
This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political-institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field.
As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. The body of data generated allows for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. It is backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts are made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project.
This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political-institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field.
As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. The body of data generated allows for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. It is backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts are made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project.
This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'. Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy. The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.
Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.
Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.
Political attitudes as well as judgement on parties and politicians in the Federal Republic.
Topics: most important problems of the Federal Republic; judgement on one´s own and the general economic situation; issue relevance; issue-ability of the parties; attitude to selected political topics such as e.g. nuclear energy, the death penalty for terrorists, directing the economy, abortion and restriction of civil rights; postmaterialism index; knowledge about the time of the next Federal Parliament election; importance of result of Federal Parliament election for oneself; party preference (ballot procedure); preference for federal chancellor; not desired federal chancellor; behavior at the polls with other candidates for chancellor than Schmidt and Strauss; trust in the leadership role of the USA; fear of war (scale); preferred chancellor given a hypothetical international crisis situation; attitude to founding of the Greens; attitude to voting for the Greens in a Federal Parliament election; assumed taking seats in Parliament by the Greens as well as a tax party; self-classification on a left-right continuum; sympathy scale for the political parties and leading politicians in the Federal Republic; judgement on social-liberal coalition and opposition in Bonn; party inclination; party identification; satisfaction with democracy in the Federal Republic; attitude to a grand coalition; self-assessment of social class; trust in the action of the Federal Government; Federal Government in the service of the public interest or special interest groups; the right to political opposition and personal understanding of democracy (scale); judgement on the relationship between taxpayer and tax office; judgement on tax equity and honesty in paying taxes; trust in the the judiciary; assumed equality of all citizens before the law; personal court experiences and judgement on the court decision; association with policemen and prestige of the police; attitude to authorities and conduct in contact with authorities (scale); judgement on the possibilities of political participation; complexity of political events; assessment of the relation between voter and politician or the parties; personal political interest and activities; importance of participation in politics; attitude to selected protest measures and judgement on the effectiveness of such measures; personal participation and intent to participate in protest measures; assumed winner of the next Federal Parliament election; frequency of conversations about politics and the Federal Parliament election.
Demography: ZUMA standard demography: age; sex; marital status; religious denomination; frequency of church attendance; school education; vocational training; occupational position; employment; area of business of company; company size; household income; sources of income; composition of household; residential status; interest in politics; behavior at the polls in the last Federal Parliament election; regional origins; memberships.
Interviewer rating: type of city; degree of urbanization; presence of others during the interview; interventions by other persons in the interview; willingness to cooperate and reliability of respondent; time of interview.
Also encoded was: availablilty of respondent on various weekdays; interviewer identity; length of interview; day of interview.
The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.
CSES Variable List The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.
Themes: MICRO-LEVEL DATA:
Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors;election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election
Demography: age; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; current employment status; main occupation; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; occupation of chief wage earner and of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; race; ethnicity; region of residence; rural or urban residence
Survey variables: respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the previous election; satisfaction with the democratic process in the country; last election was conducted fairly; form of questionnaire (long or short); party identification; intensity of party identification; political parties care what people think; political parties are necessary; recall of candidates from the last election (name, gender and party); number of candidates correctly named; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of the state of the economy in the country; assessment of economic development in the country; degree of improvement or deterioration of economy; politicians know what people think; contact with a member of parliament or congress during the past twelve months; attitude towards selected statements: it makes a difference who is in power and who people vote for; people express their political opinion; self-assessment on a left-right-scale; assessment of parties and political leaders on a left-right-scale; political information items
DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA:
number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district
MACRO-LEVEL DATA:
founding year of parties; ideological families of parties; international organization the parties belong to; left-right position of parties assigned by experts; election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; most salient factors in the election; head of state (regime type); if multiple rounds: selection of head of state; direct election of head of state and process of direct election; threshold for first-round victory; procedure for candidate selection at final round; simple majority or absolute majority for 2nd round victory; year of presidential election (before or after this legislative election); process if indirect election of head of state; head of government (president or prime minister); selection of prime minister; number of elected legislative chambers; for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; number of primary districts; number of seats; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; compulsory voting; votes cast; voting procedure; electoral formula; party threshold; parties can run joint lists; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement; types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; ally party support; constitutional prerogatives of the head of state; constitutional powers of prime minister; methods of cabinet dismissal; dissolution of legislature
