Although the role of local Human Rights Organizations (HROs) has attracted some attention in the transitional justice literature, this note from the field examines an under-studied HRO strategy: the production and systematization of information. In particular, it focuses on the Center for Legal and Social Studies' (CELS) efforts to promote accountability for the gross human rights violations committed during Argentina's last period of military rule (1976–1983). It argues that the production and systematization of information is foundational for transitional justice advocacy, and CELS' work has influenced Argentina's transitional justice processes and the broader struggle for accountability. The main focus of the note is the use of information for post-transition legal accountability, the purpose of which is to set judging standards and point out difficulties in prosecuting systematic human rights violations. This is addressed by describing a specific information strategy implemented by CELS. This information deals with the status of trials for past human rights violations ongoing throughout Argentina. ; Fil: Balardini, Lorena Soledad. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
This work is part of a broader study. This article analyzes Argentine films about the genocide perpetrated by the country's last military dictatorship (1976-1983). The focus is on the films produced during the 1980s, specifically those made between 1984 and 1989. Generally these films have been analyzed from an aesthetic perspective, or else from a chronological standpoint that connects their historical context to the design aspects of individual films, their mise-en-scène. Central to this latter approach has been what is termed a prevailing "theory of the two demons". This approach is generally valid, however this article posits that in their narrative strategies— that is, their plots, ideas, and stories— Argentinean films from the late- 1980s present a wealth of elements that exceed such narrow theorizing, in the process enabling comparisons and contrasts with other studies of the country's genocide. ; Fil: Zylberman, Lior Alejandro. Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero. Centro de Estudios sobre Genocidio; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
The object of analysis of this article is how the role of political institutions is tackled in the construction of social consensus in the theoretical interventions made by Durkheim between 1883 and 1889 which are disregarded by criticism.As a result of all the inquiry held, it is worth mentioning that after Durkheim?s first productive period (1883-1885) ruled by questions about the capacity of the state?s mechanisms to lay the foundations of social consensus, he gets to the conclusion (between 1886 and 1889) that said consensus is spontaneous and self-generated, where political institutions only have a secondary and derivative role in its reproduction. He starts getting a new perspective that he would finally adopt with the passing of time. ; Fil: Inda, Graciela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto de Estudios Históricos, Económicos, Sociales e Internacionales. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Estudios Sociales Contemporáneos; Argentina
El 1° de abril de 1967 comienza a funcionar el Departamento de Sociología de la Fundación Bariloche, creado sobre la base de un grupo de trabajo en Sociología. En 1974 se transforma en Departamento de Ciencias Sociales, con el ingreso de un grupo de trabajo en Ciencia Política. En sus inicios el Departamento contó con tres investigadores de planta. Actualmente su número es de once. Computando el número de estudiantes realizando trabajo de posgrado, se llega a veinticuatro miembros académicos en el Departamento. Siete miembros no académicos cumplen funciones de apoyo técnico-administrativo.
The purpose of this essay is to examine the status of democracy in Latin American countries as well as the prospects upcoming for the region in the present decade. We will provide a map of the subject that includes a basic definition of democracy, an overview of theories about how democracies arise and may be maintained, as a continuum, and a review of what we know empirically about Latin American democratization. We suggest a model in which political culture and social structure influence each other, and that both directly influence political processes, which in turn mediates between these causal factors and the actual emergence of democratic rules of the political game in every particular country. The approach is completed with a series of lapop Data that shows up how far and in what direction democracy is taking place in Latin
This article presents a chronicle of Convergencia, a Social Sciences Journal edited by the Research and Advanced Social Science, Political Science and Public Administration Center at the Mexican State University. (UAEM). The experience, history, vicissitudes, and achievements made in the diffusion of scientific knowledge are included in the text. Elements for discussion in relation to evaluation of articles, arbitration, arbiters, and the role of an internationally recognized journal are included. The writer concludes with a proposal to organize a network of Latin American scientific social studies journals.
In 2006, the distinction between « recruiting » and « integrating » women into the Armed Forces became part of the political agenda of the Ministry of Defense. Later, in 2007, the Ministry created the Gender Policy Council for the Defense (the Council) where military officers and NCOs, academics (mostly women) and members of non-governmental organizations debated thoroughly on the signification of recruiting women into military life, promoting different forms of integration. There was a general consensus on the need to move from the issue of incorporating female military personnel according to vacancies and vacancy distribution to the problem of the conditions that hindered their integration into military life. A more difficult question arose during the debate, namely, to what extent could the social and cultural values of the civil sphere be transferred to the military profession. The possible forms of integration of women into the Armed Forces reflected the current trend in the military profession in Argentina and showed the significance that the gender issue had acquired in this sphere.
This study analyzes the effects of conflictive social networks on a particular form of neighborhood crime called 'street harassment' in Argentine shantytowns. The data for the study is provided by a victimization survey applied in six Argentine cities, comparing the association between crime and neighborhood cohesion in different social strata. The study is based on social disorganization theory, but it adds two new insights to this perspective by exploring the role of political leadership and culture. Its main conclusion is that while conflictive social networks are strongly associated with neighborhood crime, these are concentrated in small numbers of shantytown dwellers. In addition, results also reveal that ambivalent attitudes towards conventional social principles and lack of trust in local political leadership are associated with neighborhood conflicts and crime. ; Fil: Miguez, Daniel Pedro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Tandil. Instituto de Geografía, Historia y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina
In this book we continue Plataforma Democrática's efforts to contributetowards the debate on the paths of democracy in Latin America and worldwide,focusing on the use made of the new means of communication by politicalactivists and how these in turn influence the ways in which politics is conducted.Contemporary democracies face enormous challenges: weakenedpolitical parties, global processes that redefine the national State spossibilities for action, social inequality and distrust of politicians. All theseareas and others not mentioned , are colored and influenced by thenew communication media.This book contains 19 case studies taken from six South Americancountries, presenting a broad range of innovative experiences and theirimpacts on the ways in which civil society, political parties and governmentsare organized and act. The cases of cyberactivism analyzed indicate that noneof them represents a silver bullet an experience capable of resolvingthe multiple challenges faced in constructing higher quality, more robustdemocratic institutions. But they all indicate new possibilities and newchallenges for the development of virtuous relations between the traditionalforms of participation (both in civil society organizations and in politicalparties) and activism in the virtual space.We are at the beginning of a new era, and there is much to learn,to monitor and to analyze. Without ignoring the fact that every attempt atsynthesis is partial and temporary, we hope that this book may contribute to the debate on a subject crucial for the future of democracy. Lastly, we wouldlike to acknowledge the important contribution made by the participants inthe workshops in which the preliminary versions of the texts on the diversecountries studied were presented. ; Fil: Annunziata, Rocío. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Arpini, Emilia Nora. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Gold, Tomás. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Zeifer, Paula Bárbara. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina
If you consider 1987 (the Brundtland Report) as the official beginning of the idea of sustainability, the term has made a brilliant journey of almost three decades and is still alive. In its evolution, it has become at the same time a concept, paradigm, theoretical framework, technical instrument, utopia, pretext, ideology and many other things, but above all it has become the word that contains a vague desire of the educated and privileged masses of the planet for a better world in which the human race rediscovers itself ideally with nature and with social justice. Beyond the ideological dimension, and its multiple and ungraspable interpretations, this essay focuses on sustainability as a scientific concept that springs from an interdisciplinary vision of reality, and that for many authors achieves the status of a new paradigm. The essay attempts to show how the scientific concept of sustainability in the vast majority of its versions, is not but a techno-economic expression that explicitly or implicitly is aimed at convincing the "decision makers", and that seeks to apply solutions merely technical. Using a political ecological approach, based on the theory of the three powers, the essay identifies and develops a definition of sustainability as a social power, which turns the concept into a promising political instrument of social and environmental emancipation, in a legitimate version of a "science with conscience".
In this article we analyze the celebrations of the Argentine Bicentenary in 2010, and especially the historic-artistic parade organized by the group Fuerza Bruta in Buenos Aires. Our hypothesis states that this parade was one of the most important performances of the Cultural Policies during the last decade, for confronting the traditional identitarian imaginary of White-European origin of the Argentinians, associated to elites, and legitimating a new multicultural imaginary, associated to the popular. Furthermore, we emphasize the fundamental role of music, dance and theater for achieving the efficacy of this kind of festive rituals. For this, we analyze the ways in which these aesthetic expressions bring about intense senses and emotions that operate as powerful iconic and indexical meanings among participants. Thus, the cultural meanings and values that the ritual tries to legitimize become desirable: in this case, a new imaginary about the Argentine identity, through a festive ritual of national commemoration. ; Fil: Citro, Silvia Viviana. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina
The issues of gender, sexuality and reproduction have gained a strong public presence in Latin America in recent years. Political agendas have begun gradually to include topics related to LGBTI rights and access of people "especially women " to reproductive justice. In some cases, these processes have generated policies, laws and judgments favorable to women and LGBTI movements?s demands. For example, in recent years, countries as diverse as Argentina, Uruguay, Mexico, Colombia and Brazil allowed same-sex marriage, whether through the adoption of laws or by favorable rulings, after broad political and social debates. Other countries, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Chile, still do not recognize same-sex marriage, but have allowed civil unions. Argentina and Bolivia also adopted laws of gender identity which, among other things, guarantee the right to recognition of self-perceived identity over the one assigned at birth. Moreover, in recent years, Uruguay and the Federal District of Mexico have legalized abortion under a trimester-based system, while other countries have expanded the decriminalized grounds for terminating a pregnancy voluntarily, despite maintaining the illegality of abortion.However, the successful expansion of rights with respect to gender, sexuality and reproduction, is not a linear process or free from controversy and backlashes. In 1997, for example, El Salvador banned abortion without exception, a decision emulated by Nicaragua in 2007. In 2015, the Peruvian Congress rejected the adoption of a civil union law. In addition, since at least 1998 Latin America has seen a wave of litigation and legislative processes against emergency contraception (Peñas Defago and Morán Faúndes, 2014). Some of these have been reversed. In Chile, a law was passed in 2010 during Michelle Bachelet?s first administration (2006-2010) allowing the public health system to provide emergency contraception, which reversed an unfavorable ruling of the Constitutional Court in 2008. In Honduras and elsewhere, however, bans on emergency contraception remain.Considering the ongoing and often public controversy around these issues, it is necessary to develop and deepen the frames through which we understand how these dynamics unfold in the region. To this end, the contributors to this special issue understand gender and sexuality as public and political fields characterized by tensions, disputes and struggles over power, including state power.
The current proletarian landscape in Argentina cannot be understood without tracing a genealogy in which the emergence of the piquetero movement at the beginning of this century stands out as a crucial moment of "insubordination." Widely acknowledged in social movements themselves, the eruption of the piqueteros changed the terms of debate about work and dignity as necessarily tied to the wage, and also the nature of territorial location of worker political organization (see in particular Colectivo Situaciones and MTD de Solano, 2002). Such changes reflect the complex character of the so-called popular economy that prevails today in Argentina. The "popular economy" which incorporates forms work linked to self-management, work without a boss, and the invention of labor forms outside of the wage, a heterogeneous proletariat with diverse means of making a living has become a stabilize feature of the Argentine socio-economy. The emergence of such practices must be seen in historical terms as not being possible without the prior destabilization initiated by the social and popular protagonistic forces that fueled and sustained the crisis initiated in 2001. ; Fil: Gago, Maria Veronica. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
This article offers a critical reading of the work of Nestor Garcia Canclini. This author's work articulates in a creative and fruitful way knowledge, research questions and methodological resources from various academic disciplines, especially the ones of sociology, anthropology, social communication, international relations, economy, political science and art criticism. But maybe something more interesting is that with this work he succeeded in linking the tasks of colleagues from all these fields, just as in practices of various social actors outside academia, including political and social leaders, journalists, public policies designers and decisions takers. This gave him an unprecedented impact on our field, culture studies and contemporary social transformations, and it placed us in front of new interlocutors, new problems, new challenges, significantly broadening our possibilities of creation, learning and findings, participation and influence. Another important aspect of his work is that it is Latin American in more than one sense. It is not only because his studies were mostly centered (whereas not exclusively) in analyzing proper issues of this part of the world, but especially because it takes and articulates contributions from various generations and orientations of theories and studies elaborated in almost all the countries of the region. I think I am not mistaken by emphatically affirming that nobody has done so at the same scale and this appears to me particularly valuable for two reasons. First, because it allowed thinking, theorizing and communicating interpretations on social dynamics at a truly regional scale, that is, he largely overcame the tendency to make references on ?Latin America? based on just one, two or three countries. Second, because his publications, in addition to bringing us original and valuable ideas on the processes he was studying, offer us an insight into the work of colleagues from various countries of the region. In that sense, his publications are a means of communication between colleagues. ; Fil: Mato, Daniel Alejandro. Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
Este artículo describe la aplicación de cinco Líneas de Información sobre Aborto Seguro, una estrategia formulada por colectivos feministas en un creciente número de países donde el aborto es inseguro y restringido por la ley. Estas líneas de atención telefónica tienen una variedad de metas y asumen diferentes formas, pero todas ofrecen información por teléfono a mujeres sobre cómo interrumpir un embarazo utilizando misoprostol. El artículo se basa en un estudio cualitativo llevado a cabo en 2012-2014 sobre la estructura, metas y experiencias de líneas de atención telefónica en cinco países latinoamericanos: Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Perú y Venezuela. La metodología incluyó la observación participativa de las actividades de las SAIH y entrevistas a profundidad con activistas feministas que ofrecen estos servicios y con 14 mujeres que utilizaron la información proporcionada por estas líneas de atención telefónica para inducir sus abortos. Los hallazgos también se basan en una revisión de materiales obtenidos de los cinco colectivos participantes: documentos e informes, comentarios publicados en los medios sociales de comunicación y detalles sobre manifestaciones y declaraciones públicas. Estas líneas de atención telefónica han tenido un impacto positivo en el acceso a los servicios de aborto seguro para las mujeres a quienes ayudan. La prestación de estos servicios requiere conocimientos y habilidades de información, pero poca infraestructura. Tienen el potencial de reducir el riesgo del aborto inseguro para la salud y vida de las mujeres, y deben ser promovidos como parte de la política de salud pública, no sólo en Latinoamérica sino también en otros países. Además, promueven la autonomía de las mujeres y su derecho a decidir si continuar o interrumpir un embarazo. ; Cet article décrit la mise en łuvre de cinq lignes d'information sur l'avortement sûr, une stratégie élaborée par des collectifs féministes dans un nombre croissant de pays où l'avortement est restreint par la loi et à risque. Ces lignes ont un éventail d'objectifs et prennent différentes formes, mais toutes renseignent les femmes par téléphone sur la manière d'interrompre une grossesse avec le misoprostol. L'article est fondé sur une étude qualitative réalisée en 2012-2014 sur la structure, les objectifs et les expériences des centrales d'appel dans cinq pays latino-américains: Argentine, Chili, Équateur, Pérou et Venezuela. La méthodologie incluait l'observation participative des activités des lignes d'informations ainsi que des entretiens approfondis avec des militantes féministes qui offraient ces services et avec 14 femmes qui avaient utilisé les informations fournies par ces lignes pour provoquer leur avortement. Les conclusions sont aussi fondées sur un examen des matériels obtenus des cinq collectifs concernés : documents et rapports, messages sur les médias sociaux et détails des manifestations et déclarations publiques. Ces lignes téléphoniques ont un impact positif sur l'accès à un avortement sûr pour les femmes qu'elles aident. Assurer ces services exige des connaissances et des compétences en information, mais peu d'infrastructures. Les lignes ont le potentiel de réduire la menace que l'avortement à risque fait peser sur la santé et la vie des femmes, et devraient être promues dans le cadre de la politique de santé publique, non seulement en Amérique latine, mais aussi dans d'autres pays. De plus, elles favorisent l'autonomie des femmes et leur droit à décider de continuer ou d'interrompre une grossesse. ; This paper describes the implementation of five Safe Abortion Information Hotlines (SAIH), a strategy developed by feminist collectives in a growing number of countries where abortion is legally restricted and unsafe. These hotlines have a range of goals and take different forms, but they all offer information by telephone to women about how to terminate a pregnancy using misoprostol. The paper is based on a qualitative study carried out in 2012-2014 of the structure, goals and experiences of hotlines in five Latin American countries: Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. The methodology included participatory observation of activities of the SAIH, and in-depth interviews with feminist activists who offer these services and with 14 women who used information provided by these hotlines to induce their own abortions. The findings are also based on a review of materials obtained from the five hotline collectives involved: documents and reports, social media posts, and details of public demonstrations and statements. These hotlines have had a positive impact on access to safe abortions for women whom they help. Providing these services requires knowledge and information skills, but little infrastructure. They have the potential to reduce the risk to women's health and lives of unsafe abortion, and should be promoted as part of public health policy, not only in Latin America but also other countries. Additionally, they promote women's autonomy and right to decide whether to continue or terminate a pregnancy. ; Fil: Drovetta, Raquel Irene. Universidad Empresarial Siglo XXI; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Villa María; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba; Argentina
