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THIS PAPER PRESENTS A CRITICAL DESCRIPTION IN THE FORM OF FOUR THRESHOLDS. IN THE THRESHOLD OF VISIBILITY THE AUTHOR EXPLAINS WHY POLICY STUDIES COULD DEVELOP A CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARATIVE PROCLIVITY. IN RELATION TO THE THRESHOLD OF COMPARABILITY THE AUTHOR PROVIDES AN OVERVIEW OF THE KINDS OF COMPARATIVE ANALYSES THAT HAVE COME TO BE PUBLISHED. THEN, IN THE THRESHOLDS OF CONCEPTUAL COHERENCE AND DURABILITY, THE AUTHOR PRESENTS INTERPRETATIONS OF BOTH PROBLEMS AND POTENTIALS WHICH HAVE BECOME EVIDENT AS RESEARCH HAS ACHIEVED GREATER DENSITY AND SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS.

AbstractThis article addresses the methodological issues involved in the study of interlingual translation as an avenue of reception in the history of ideas. In particular, it assesses the possible uses of linguistic contextualism and conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte) in this endeavor. It argues that both of these approaches have been, or are capable of being, far more sensitive towards the phenomenon of reception than it is usually acknowledged and, indeed, this is an area where cross-fertilization between them (often commended in general but rarely if ever in specific terms) is a practical possibility. Perspectives from Rezeptionsgeschichte may provide useful tools for building bridges between them. A few case studies in translation history are then critically examined, and on the basis of the foregoing methodological reflections propositions are made for further refining the approach taken in those case studies.

THIS PAPER DESCRIBES THE MILITARY CONFLICT INSTITUTE, AN INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF SOLDIERS, SCHOLARS, ENGINEERS, ANALYSTS, AND HISTORIANS, WHO PROMOTE THE BETTER SCIENTIFIC UNDERSTANDING OF MILITARY CONFLICT, AS A MEANS OF CONTROLLING THE COMPLEXITIES OF THE HUGE INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS OF DEFENSE. TO DETER WAR ONE MUST BETTER UNDERSTAND ITS NATURE, AND KNOW HOW TO FIGHT EFFECTIVELY AT ANY LEVEL.

THE LONG-TERM EFFECTS OF MEMBERSHIP IN ISRAELI YOUTH MOVEMENTS ON THE POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION OF THEIR ADOLESCENT MEMBERS, AND THEIR SUBSEQUENT POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND INVOLVEMENT AFTER LEAVING THE MOVEMENTS WERE STUDIED ON A REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE (N = 1250) OF ISRAELI UNIVERSITY STUDENTS. THIS RESEARCH'S MAIN CONTRIBUTION TO POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION STUDIES IS THAT IT OFFERS A MEANS BY WHICH TO ANALYZE A SOCIALIZATION EFFECT DIRECTED SOLELY AT THE ADOLESCENT, TO CONTROL (AT LEAST STATISTICALLY) OTHER CONFOUNDING CHILDHOOD INFLUENCES, AND TO ENABLE RELATING THEIR ADULT POLITICAL IDEOLOGY TO THIS INFLUENCE. THE WIDE AGE RANGE OF ISRAELI STUDENTS (DUE TO THEIR 3-YEAR ARMY SERVICES AND NEED TO WORK) AND THE SIZE OF THE CONTROL GROUP (THOSE WHO HAD NEVER JOINED A YOUTH MOVEMENT) HELPED TO SURMOUNT MANY OF THE DIFFICULTIES THAT OCCUR IN LONGITUDINAL AND COHORT STUDIES. AS WITH ANY FIELD STUDY, PERFECT PROOF IS NOT FEASIBLE. IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO VERIFY IF ALL THE SOCIALIZATION AGENTS WERE ACCOUNTED FOR, OR WHETHER SOME SPURIOUS CORRELATIONS HAD OCCURRED BUT, WITHIN THE CONFINES OF THIS RESEARCH METHOD, THE HYPOTHESES, ON THE WHOLE, WERE CONFIRMED: (1) ADULT POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES OF FORMER YOUTH MOVEMENT MEMBERS CORRESPONDED TO THEIR MOVEMENTS' OFFICIAL IDEOLOGIES, WHILE IDEOLOGIES OF NONMEMBERS WERE MORE ERRATIC; (2) POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT WAS HIGHER AMONG FORMER YOUTH MOVEMENT MEMBERS THAN AMONG NONMEMBERS. THE RESULTS ARE DISCUSSED WITHIN THE LIFESPAN THEORIES OF POLITICAL SOCIALIPY: 1989

THE POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF NATION-BUILDING AND NATIONALISM IS EXAMINED AND IT IS ARGUED THAT DIFFERENT IMAGES OF NATIONALISM PRODUCE RADICALLY DIFFERENT POLITICAL GEOGRAPHIES. THE HEGELIAN TENDENCY TO VIEW NATIONALISM AS AN AUTONOMOUS SOCIAL FORCE, AND STRUCTURALIST THEORIES THAT ACCEPT THE NATION-STATE AS ENTIRELY NATURAL AND PROGRESSIVE, HAVE ENDED IN A 'STATE-CENTRED' POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF NATIONALISM. IN SO DOING THEY CONTRIBUTED TO THE VERY PROCESS OF NATION-BUILDING. THE PAPER PROVIDES AN ACCOUNT OF THE PRE-NATIONALIST ROOTS OF MODERN NATION-STATES AND EXAMINES POPULAR RESISTANCE TO THE 'NATIONALIZING' INSTITUTIONS OF THE CAPITALIST STATE IN THE LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY. IT CRITICIZES THE DUALIST THINKING AT THE HEART OF MOST STUDIES OF NATION-BUILDING AND NATIONALISM WHICH TREAT FACTORS THAT ARE DIALECTICALLY INTERRELATED IN REALITY AS THOUGH THEY OPERATED INDEPENDENTLY OF EACH OTHER FOR THE PURPOSES OF MODELBUILDING. THROUGHOUT IT IS ARGUED THAT NATION-BUILDING AND NATIONALISM ARE BEST APPROACHED FROM A DIALECTICAL PERSPECTIVE WHICH APPRECIATES THE INTERRELATEDNESS OF THE CULTURAL AND THE POLITICAL WITH THE ECONOMIC FORCES INHERENT IN NATION-BUILDING. THE PAPER CONCLUDES WITH A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE ANARCHIST CRITIQUE OF THE STATE-CENTRED POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF CAPITALISM BY LOOKING AT KROPOTKIN'S THEORETICAL CONDEMNATION OF NATION-BUILDING AND THE CAPITALIST STATE AS BOTH NATURAL AND PROGRESSIVE.

This study compares and assesses the four Socialist leaders – Victor L. Berger, Morris L. Hillquit, Eugene V. Debs, and Norman M. Thomas. By comparing the attitudes and ideas of these four Socialists towards socialism and Socialist theory, politics, factionalism, violence, labor and laboring men, farmers, prohibition, prostitution, women's rights, religion, immigration, racism, and pacifism some of the characteristics of these Socialists were exposed to a closer scrutiny. The information for this thesis was acquired principally by reading extensively in both primary and secondary materials in the field of socialism, especially biographies of and books written by the four Socialists. A brief biographical sketch of each of the four Socialists was given in the first two chapters. The subsequent chapters discussed and explored their ideas and opinions on the previously mentioned subjects. By comparing the four Socialists it was discovered that they were reformers and humanitarians, that they had some very serious disagreements, that they failed in the very critical areas of solving party factionalism and gaining political support, and that they were not as radical as they appeared to the public during their peak years from 1900 to 1920 or even subsequently. They were sincere, hardworking, dedicated men who believed in their cause, who did not believe in violence, and who had a basic concern for the well being of their fellow man.

Reviews Thorstein Veblen's critiques of Karl Marx & Austrian school standard bearer Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk. It is noted that Veblen was unique in his ability to recognize the complexity of Marxism as a system. He understood that both men were scientifically oriented & trying to specify overall laws governing the economic process. However, neither Marx nor Bohm-Bawerk paid much attention to human motivations, while Veblen's own analysis of capitalism considers motivational structures & the role of the individual businessman. A comparison of Veblen's conception of the dominant businessman & Joseph Schumpeter's image of the entrepreneur indicates that Veblen felt the businessman's ability to control went beyond expertise to involve a network of personal, banking, & political relationships, while Schumpeter's entrepreneur is an innovator whose primary responsibility is economic development, & his creativity stems from his sometimes being an outsider. Schumpeter accepts profit as an unqualified value resulting from individual creativity, while Veblen sees it as often being the consequence of the fraudulent activities of captains of business. J. Lindroth

The economic perspectives of Thorstein Veblen & John Maynard Keynes are compared, arguing that, not only is there considerable agreement between the two men, but Keynes built on most elements of Veblen's economic theory. Topics include aggregate demand, determination of output & employment, determination of price level & inflation, monetary theory of production, the business cycle, & uncertainty & the future of capitalism. Both men denounced equilibrium economics, but Veblen stressed evolution/conflict while Keynes relied on uncertainty. Veblen saw the world constantly changing in unknown directions & believed that capitalism should be abolished, but Keynes believed that rational intervention could direct the course of social change & correct the inherent instability of the free market economy. 44 References. J. Lindroth

A test of two competing theories of status polarization of social welfare attitudes: (1) a social-psychological approach that sees status polarization as a function of identification with social groups; & (2) an economic theory that sees policy preferences as a function of the individual's expected utility from various policies. Center for Political Studies (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor) data from the years 1956-1984 reveal that the utility maximizing hypothesis has much more explanatory power for the middle & late 1970s. SC identification, on the other hand, rivals utility maximization as an expression of policy preferences during the years 1956-1964 & shows a slight resurgence in 1982 & 1984. These results suggest little prospect for a revival of the New Deal party coalitions, barring strong political leadership that defines issues in class terms & polarizes the electorate. 5 Tables, 43 References. Modified HA

YET IN PRACTICE IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE CONCEPT OF ABSOLUTE SOVEREIGNTY IS A TATTERED ANACHRONISM. THE AUTHORS CAN SET ASIDE CONDOMINIUMS. THE TWO PAST EXAMPLES AFFECTING THE BRITISH EMPIRE AND COMMONWEALTH, NAMELY, THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM IN THE SUDAN AND THE ANGLO-FRENCH CONDOMINIUM IN THE NEW HEBRIDES, WERE NOT ENCOURAGING. THE FIRST WAS A ONESIDED AFFAIR IN WHICH ALL THE EFFECTIVE AUTHORITY WAS EXERCISED BY THE STRONGER PARTNER, IN OTHER WORDS A SHAM; THE SECOND WAS A DEMONSTRATION OF MUDDLE, IN WHICH THE SOVEREIGNTY ISSUE WAS DELIBERATELY OBSCURED. THE WEAR AND TEAR OF SOVEREIGNTY, HOWEVER, GOES MUCH FURTHER THAN SUCH MARGINAL INSTANCES OF APPARENT BISECTION.