The article is devoted to the problem of internal and external migration in the Kyrgyz Republic. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Kyrgyz Republic had experienced mass out-migration of the population. The people were forced to migrate during the period chaos to improve their quality of life. Basically, in the early 1990s, the Slavic people from Kyrgyzstan left for Russia and Kazakhstan. Strong internal migration began in 1994, when rural Kyrgyz arrived from regions to Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyz Republic. Migration outside the former Soviet Union began in 2000. The vast majority of Kyrgyz went to Turkey, Germany or the USA. Thus, the problem of migration in the Kyrgyz Republic is not new. This article analyses the results of a 2019 focus group study. Field research was necessary to assess the effects of population migration and 14 focus groups were conducted in rural areas in the north of Kyrgyzstan. The results of the research revealed the positive and negative consequences of the migration process, reflecting the current migration situation in the north of Kyrgyzstan. In general, the growth of migration has led to new problems in society: families suffer, children are left without parental care and there is a drain (brain drain) of the working age population.
Migration is influencing the present happening in Europe. This whole phenomenon is associated with many paradoxes and contradictory working factors. The deployment of international migrants is very uneven. For the immigrants is characteristic the increase of their human capital, gaining new experience, and flexibility. Migration is sometimes perceived as a part of globalization and transformation, which is partly true, but there should be put more effort to come up with the solution of the migration reasons and the migrant integration. Migration models are connected to the historical bonds and big attention is paid to analyze them. A broader approach is needed and the analyzing of migration development in time. The common interest in this phenomenon leads into the harmonized measures through out the whole EU. The impact of migration on the labor market as well as on the economy as a whole depends on the age, education and the length of stay of the migrant in the specific country. Migration can be more influenced by unqualified or seasonal jobs. The overall economical effects on the labor market are relatively marginal. Positive effects are: increase of economical prosperity as well in the host state as the country of origin, lower wage of the migrant than is the added value, which he produces, existing economies of scale in specific production sectors. Negative effects are: uneven distribution of capital income, time horizon of migration, pressure on the health care and social system in case of illegal migration.Regarding the present demographic situation in most EU member states is immigration one of the ways how to solve the lack of labor force. Leading representatives try to coordinate the migration policy, which would secure concerned approach and legal frame to immigrants. This policy shouldn't be built just on temporary needs of the labor market, but should involve human rights, equal rights and nondiscrimination.
Migration has been the single most dynamic factor in the otherwise dreary development scenario of Kerala during the last quarter of the last century. It has contributed more to poverty alleviation and reduction in unemployment in Kerala than any other factor. As a result of migration, the proportion of the population below the poverty line has declined by 12 per cent. The number of unemployed persons – estimated to be only about 13 lakhs in 1998 compared with 37 lakhs reported by the Kerala Employment Exchanges – has declined by over 30 per cent.Migration has caused nearly a million married women in Kerala to live away from their husbands. Most of these so‐called "Gulf wives" experienced extreme loneliness to begin with, and were burdened with added family responsibilities to which they had not been accustomed when their husbands were with them. But over a period, and with a helping hand from abroad over the ISD, most came out of their early gloom. Their gain in autonomy, status, management skills and experience in dealing with the world outside their homes were developed the hard way and would remain with them for the rest of their lives for the benefit of their families and society. In the long run, the transformation of these million women will have contributed more to the development of Kerala society than all the temporary euphoria created by remittances and modern gadgetry.Kerala is dependent on migration for employment, subsistence, housing, household amenities, institution building, and many other developmental activities. The danger is that migration could cease, as shown by the Kuwait war of 1993, and repercussions could be disastrous for the State.Understanding migration trends and instituting policies to maintain the flow of migration is more important today than at any time in the past. Kerala workers seem to be losing out in international competition for jobs in the Gulf market. Corrective policies are needed urgently to raise their competitive edge over workers in competing countries in South and South‐East Asia. Like any other industry, migration from Kerala needs periodic technological upgrading of workers. Otherwise, there is a danger that the State might lose the Gulf market permanently.The crux of the problem is Kerala workers' inability to compete with expatriates from other South and South‐East Asian countries. The solution lies in equipping workers with better general education and job training. This study suggests a twofold approach. In the short run, the need is to improve the job skills of prospective emigrant workers. This could be achieved through ad hoc training programmes focussed on the job market in Gulf countries. In the long run, the need is to restructure the educational system, taking into consideration the future demand of workers not only in Kerala but also in potential destination countries all over the world, including the US and other developed countries. Kerala emigrants need not always be construction workers in the Gulf countries; they could also be software engineers in developed countries.
This study explores the extension of microeconomic and migrant network theoretical frameworks for explaining perceived post-migration life satisfaction of repeat (temporary) and more permanent labor force internal migrants in Thailand. Data from the 1992 National Migration Survey were used in logistic regression models to predict increased versus decreased post-move satisfaction with employment situation, living environment, and community facilities. Contrary to the neoclassical migration theory assumption, results showed that migration was associated with decreased post-move satisfaction. Microeconomic theory indicators were related to increased employment satisfaction but decreased post-move satisfaction with living environment. For network theory indicators, the results showed the opposite pattern - related to improved living environment satisfaction but decreased employment post-move satisfaction. Repeat (temporary) migrants were disadvantaged in post-move employment satisfaction compared to more permanent single move labor force migrants.
AbstractThe existing literature on transnational care suggests that it is possible to care for ageing parents from afar. However, most of these studies are based on research in higher‐income countries, where families have access to institutional support and where travel and communication networks are generally of high quality. Studies focusing on lower‐income countries of origin have found a greater likelihood of migrants' parents being in a vulnerable situation. Here, though, there has been a preference for focusing on rural areas. In this article, we address this gap by reporting on a research project that spans rural, urban and peri‐urban areas, as well as different migration streams (regional South–South and South–North), and ask how migrants' parents fare during their adult children's absences in a context of very weak institutional support, widespread poverty and inequality. We find that parents in urban and peri‐urban areas are generally better able to negotiate their adult children's absences, while those in rural areas experience an increase in their vulnerability. However, there are also stories that are in tension with these general trends, which indicates that social networks, migrants' destinations and parents' socio‐economic statuses also mediate the availability of transnational care.
Border deaths are a result of dynamics involving diverse actors, and can be interpreted and represented in various ways. Critical voices from civil society (including academia) hold states responsible for making safe journeys impossible for large parts of the world population. Meanwhile, policy-makers argue that border deaths demonstrate the need for restrictive border policies. Statistics are widely (mis)used to support different readings of border deaths. However, the way data is collected, analysed, and disseminated remains largely unquestioned. Similarly, little is known about how bodies are treated, and about the different ways in which the dead - also including the missing and the unidentified - are mourned by familiars and strangers. New concepts and perspectives contribute to highlighting the political nature of border deaths and finding ways to move forward. The chapters of this collection, co-authored by researchers and practitioners, provide the first interdisciplinary overview of this contested field
