Suchergebnisse

The so-called European migrant or refugee crisis, started in 2015, has marked the climax of an increasing European tension on the management of the external borders, tension that had been building up since the turn of the century. In this particularly turbulent period, civil society organizations (CSOs) lobbying for human and migrant rights have expanded their presence not only operatively at the land and sea borders of the European Union (EU) but also at the EU governance level. With the growing importance of agencies in the EU executive space in terms of competences and resources (i.e., agencification), advocacy groups have started to direct their advocacy efforts toward EU agencies, particularly in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice. The most controversial EU agency in this scenario is the 13-year-old agency Frontex, now called European Border and Coast Guard Agency, which is also where the presence of CSOs has become more substantial in terms of competences and ability to access information on the operational and strategic activity of the agency. The aim of this article is to establish how this relationship between Frontex and CSOs has developed over time and what has been the impact of this relationship on the agency on fundamental rights matters. This study addresses these two issues by, first, analyzing the CSOs represented within Frontex Consultative Forum (CF) on fundamental rights, their aims and lobbying strategies vis-à-vis Frontex; second, the evolution of their relationship with the agency and the rationale of their permanence within the CF; and, last, their impact on Frontex's understanding of fundamental rights. Considerations on advocacy activity outside of the CF are also presented by stressing the difference in ideology between organizations that decided to advocate for fundamental rights from within or outside Frontex.

AbstractHow do civil society organizations (CSOs) use state‐backed supranational institutions to call multinational enterprises (MNEs) to account? There are few studies of precisely how CSOs—union and other—use institutional power in global value chain (GVC) governance or the impact of institutional change on actor behaviour. To address this gap, we assess the impact of changes in the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on CSO engagement with MNEs, comparing complaints lodged by CSOs before and after the Guidelines were revised in June 2011 to accommodate the rise in global prominence of the human rights and business frame. In our analysis, we focus on how constitutive and institutional power plays out in GVC governance, with special attention to the impact of institutional change on actor behaviour. Our analysis reveals that this state‐backed mechanism provides CSOs with a structure through which to address human rights violations in some MNEs' supply chains but also that, despite its high degree of reflexivity, ongoing design flaws limit its capacity to address the uneven distribution of power not only between CSOs and MNEs, but among CSOs themselves. In doing so, we draw attention to the need for further research on the dynamic multilevel interactions between the configuration and adjustment of supranational institutions and how these mediate CSO and MNE interactions.

Hopes for democratization in Indonesia runs high, especially among political observers both at home and abroad. However, the elitist character of Indonesian politics have produced surprises and volatile changes that in the long run may jeopardize democracy itself. When decentralization was introduced, the power falls into the hands of the local bosses whose greed control on local resources have brought local political system into stalemate. When most parts of the society took laws into their own hands, the concept of civil society is inflated and mischievousness enters the local politics.

Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs), as one of the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), have currently occupied a considerable status in the policy making process in the developed and developing countries. Applying multi‐dimensional approaches in dealing with the issues have differentiated them from governmental agencies. Despite NGOs are faced with a wide range of problems in Iran, they play an invaluable role in disseminating information, raising awareness, and sensitisation about HIV/AIDS. Generally speaking, HIV/AIDS NGOs activities in Iran can be categorized in three domains: advocacy, education and information, and intervention. Using descriptive method, this paper intends to explain the services provided by the NGOs for people living with HIV/AIDS, then it will examine the effectiveness of the services provided for their clientele, and next it will explore the impediments faced by the NGOs in terms of provision of services. Finally, providing some meaning of HIVNGOs paper will come to a conclusion.

This thesis examines the role of women's groups and CSOs in post-election peacebuilding. The main objective of the study is to demonstrate how women's groups contribute to peacebuilding. Moreover, it is to show the importance of local initiatives targeted at post-election peace. Aside being a measure of democracy, post-election peace is necessary for the protection of lives and the promotion of community relations. To meet these objectives, the study draws on ten (10) semi-structured interviews and several visits to the Ark Foundation, the women's group of interest in this study. The concepts of local, multi- track peacebuilding and civil society have been used as the framework for analysis. The study findings indicate that achieving peace is a joint responsibility that needs the involvement of all stakeholders in a society. Women's groups, which are a part of grassroots organisations, are also seen to contribute immensely to consensus building, using their middle-level placement in the society as a means of working with both top and bottom levels. The triple role of women, is also seen to be a factor motivating women to work for peace, thereby making them a necessary part of sustainable conciliation. Analytically, the study gives credence to the on-going debate about the need to include women and other non-state actors in peace work like post-election peace, and how their involvement could lead to more sustainable results. The study further contributes to the understanding of why women work for peace. It also gives credence to the idea that peacebuilding is a multi-track venture, requiring the contributions of stakeholders at all levels of society. Finally, the study contributes to the importance of including local perspectives in peacebuilding.

Although civil society organizations (CSOs) often receive attention in development discourse, they are particularly deemed to provide a new way that ensures good governance. Hence, an understanding of their contributions against the backdrop of governance‐related challenges in Kenya calls for fresh and new research. This article gives attention to CSOs' role in the promotion of community participation in governance. Specifically, it looks into capacities of CSOs involved in these efforts on governance. It links persistent poor governance happening at the counties to inadequate capacities of CSOs involved in the fight against the vice. It argues that CSOs lack vital capacities including adequate funds, staff, offices, and equipment, to be able to sustain action against poor governance. The study methodology involved a survey, focus group discussions, and in‐depth face‐to‐face interviews. A variety of tools were used that included a survey questionnaire, focus group discussion guide, and in‐depth interview guide. Some of the recommendations are that it is important for stakeholders including the government to understand CSOs and provide them with required support. CSOs also need to be given training and exposure to programs in other countries that have successfully addressed governance issues.

In the end of 2015, ASEAN Community will be fully implemented in Southeast Asia. The community will bring ASEAN countries to the next stage of cooperation in order to bring prosperity to the region. However, several obstacles still have to be faced by ASEAN. Territorial dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia, Thailand and Cambodia concerning Preah Temple, Malaysia with The Phillipines over Sabah, etc are some of the problems. Other problems related to South China Sea, even involving five ASEAN members on dispute. Although it is clear that member of ASEAN countries agree to settle their problems according to ASEAN mechanism as the most respective organization in the region, on several occasions they prefer to take it bilaterally or bring it to the Hague. The assumption of non-interference principle as the organization conflict solving mechanism does not apply accordingly. As such, we have to find other ways. Peace can only be achieved through closer relations between ASEAN countries. Closer relation creates better understanding between people within those countries. If "high level" (G to G) conflict resolution does not work, we have to turn to the people. Closer relations among its people will be a "grass root" power to force the government to end their dispute. This paper will examine how ASEAN Socio-Culture Community (ASCC), alongside CSO's within them, will work in creating closer relations among ASEAN countries, in order to solve disputes in the region.