Campaign funds in 1928
In: American political science review, Band 23, S. 59-69
ISSN: 0003-0554
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In: American political science review, Band 23, S. 59-69
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American political science review, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 59-69
ISSN: 1537-5943
During the important political year 1928 no fewer than five separate congressional committees were engaged in investigating various phases of the problem of campaign funds. First, the Reed committee, which was appointed by resolution of the 69th Congress to investigate the elections of 1926, was continued in existence so that it could wind up its work. In addition, it was given authority by a new resolution of the 70th Congress to investigate the New Jersey senatorial primary of 1928. Second, the committee on privileges and elections of the Senate was authorized to hear and determine the Wilson-Vare election contest in Pennsylvania. A sub-committee, with Senator Waterman as chairman, was selected on January 27 to perform this task. Third, the Senate created a special committee to investigate pre-convention and election expenditures in the campaign of 1928. Senator Steiwer was appointed chairman of this committee. Fourth, a special House committee was appointed on the day before the close of the session to look into the campaign expenditures of 1928, with Congressman Lehlbach of New Jersey as chairman. Finally, the Senate by resolution authorized the committee on post offices and post roads, or any sub-committee thereof, to investigate the alleged sale of Southern postmasterships, and Senator Brookhart was appointed chairman of the sub-committee.The Reed committee held hearings in April and May in connection with the Wilson-Vare contest in Pennsylvania, and in June in connection with the New Jersey senatorial primary. These investigations did not lead to any particularly valuable disclosures, although they produced some interesting and enlightening information about the Vare machine.
In: American political science review, Band 39, S. 899-925
ISSN: 0003-0554
Includes data for the executive branch of the Federal Government only. ; "A report of the Federal Government's impact by State, County and large City." ; Report covers fiscal year. ; Includes data for the executive branch of the Federal Government only. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Vols. for 1976/77- compiled for the Executive Office of the President by the Community Services Administration. ; National and State level data also contained in: Geographic distribution of Federal funds in summary, ISSN 0162-1734.
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In: American political science review, Band 39, Heft 5, S. 899-925
ISSN: 1537-5943
The 1944 campaign was the second presidential election in which the ceilings of the Hatch Act were operative, and the first campaign in which contributions from labor organizations were prohibited. It furnishes convincing evidence of the ineffectiveness of these limitations and of the imperative need for complete revision of existing regulations of campaign funds.The financing of the 1944 campaign was subjected to close study by special committees of both the House and Senate, and their hearings and reports supplement at many important points the reports required by the Corrupt Practices Act. The most controversial issues of the campaign centered about the Political Action Committee of the CIO, and this organization was subjected to close study by both committees. The House committee, headed by Representative Clinton P. Anderson (now Secretary of Agriculture), also stressed the increasing importance and questionable practices of non-party "opinion moulders," but did not attempt to summarize the total expenditures of the campaign. Senator Green's committee, in addition to studying certain party committees and independent organizations in detail, made a great effort to compile complete data on receipts and expenditures affecting the presidential campaign, and its report makes available what is probably the most complete and accurate over-all picture of the financing of a presidential election ever recorded. The notable recommendations of this committee will be discussed later.
In: Labour research, Band 83, Heft 3, S. 2-4
ISSN: 0023-7000
In: Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law, Band 21, S. 205-219
In: Urban affairs review, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 67-84
ISSN: 1552-8332
Electoral coalitions have two parts: the voter coalition and the fund-raising coalition. The voter coalition consists of the individuals and groups that support a candidate through mobilization and voting, whereas the fund-raising coalition supports a candidate through campaign donations. The authors explore the less-studied role of the fund-raising coalition by examining data on the campaigns of Mayors Harold Washington and Richard M. Daley in Chicago. The results point to significant differences in the fund-raising coalitions behind the two candidates and help to explain the distinctiveness of their regimes.
In: American political science review, Band 27, Heft 5, S. 769-783
ISSN: 1537-5943
The presidential campaigns of 1928 and 1932 are a study in contrasts. In 1928, the United States was at the peak of the boom period; the incumbent Republicans were confident of victory; and the result was a Republican victory which "broke" the Solid South and swept all but two states outside that section into the Republican column. The 1932 campaign was fought in the midst of depression and disaster; confidence was with the Democrats for the first time in many years; and the result was a Democratic victory which put the party securely in control of both houses of Congress, as well as of the presidency. What effect did the changed economic and political outlook have upon the financing of the campaign?
In: European Corporate Governance Institute (ECGI) - Finance Working Paper No. 609/2019
SSRN
Working paper
OBJECTIVES: Question 1 raised the Massachusetts state tobacco tax to fund tobacco education programs. This paper examines the process of qualifying and passing Question 1. METHODS: Information was gathered from internal memoranda, meeting minutes, newspaper articles, internal documents, letters, newsletters, news and press releases, and personal interviews. Data about campaign contributions were obtained from the Massachusetts Office of Campaign and Political Finance. RESULTS: Three factors help explain why Question 1 passed: (1) the policy environment was favorable because of the social unacceptability of smoking; (2) the activists assembled a large coalition of supporters; and (3) the activists countered industry claims that the new tax would hurt small business and lower-income smokers and would be wasted by the legislature. The ballot initiative passed despite the industry's $7 million campaign to defeat it. CONCLUSIONS: The apparent influence of the tobacco industry on the legislature was the driving force behind the decision of public health activists to qualify Question 1. Moving policy-making out of the legislature into the public arena widened the scope of conflict and enabled public health activists to win.
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In: American political science review, Band 27, S. 769-783
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Public choice, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 83-97
ISSN: 1573-7101
In: American political science review, Band 30, S. 507-512
ISSN: 0003-0554