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The author analyses the selected aspects of capitalism in the countries of Central Europe. The author presents the various theoretical concepts that refer to the issue in question involving the concept coined by L. King and I. Szelenyi, which holds that the systemic changes in the countries of this region are specifically characterised by the perspective of 'from without' capitalism. They believe that the specificity of the capitalist system lies in the fact that in the key times of the post-communist changes of the political system, the issue of the absence of an important class of private owners was not addressed. In the West private proprietors were the ones that constituted the main driving force of an open-market economy. The article presents the advantages and drawbacks of an economic model formed by the dominant share of foreign capital, with an emphasis placed on the consequences of the issue in question on the limitations of the subjectivity of economic policy of a state as well as the development chances of local businesses. It manifests the fears that the model created in Poland (and in other countries of the region) after the year 1989 sets the role model for local enterprises of corporate subcontractors of mainly traditional or niche products and services.

The article presents different models of capitalism with special regard to those occurring in the countries of Central and East Europe after 1989. Next the reasons why in the Vysegrad Group countries, among others, the model of capitalism called peripheral, dependent, imitative or hybrid was shaped and got strengthened. A separate subject of reflections is the issue of further economic development.

The authors analyze the essence of the problem of financialization of economy in the national and global perspectives, at the same time pointing out that this process also refers to the sphere of politics. The example of the 2007+ financial and banking crisis indicates the negative features of this process in reference to economy but also to the financial security of the states and their citizens. In the sphere of politics financialization in the external aspect is reflected in transferring public funds to private economic entities, mainly financial corporations, by virtue of political decisions. In the internal aspects financialization means an increasing role of financial instruments and resources in establishing public authorities, including parliaments and presidential offices. This tendency is considered by the authors to be an immanent feature of contemporary capitalism and a threat to democracy.

The aim of the article is to analyze the changing position of the state in the capitalist world economy form the perspective of Karl Polanyi's political theory. The main thesis of the article is that the position of the state largely depends on the character of rules constituting global political economy. Three world regimes were singled out (gold standard, Bretton Woods system, and hyperglobalization), and the position of the state within each system was analyzed. If we agree with Robert Cox that each world order is a product of ideas, institutions and power relations, then we may expect the institutional structure of the world economy to evolve following the changes in the underlying constellation of ideas and social forces.

The article analyzes the present order, called neoliberal globalization. It serves American corporations from the arms, mining, financial and ICT sectors to accumulate the capital. They made Wall Street the financial center of the world where the surplus of Europe, Japan and Latin American is transformed into the American bonds. This order is embedded in the institutions created and steered by the American state. The competitive advantage in this phase of the evolution of capitalism is given not only by control over so-called intellectual property but also by conquering a possibly large market. That is the reason for the competition between huge mega-corporations such as American GAFA or Chinese BATX. Capitalism is affected by the planetary crisis. A decline of the economic growth rate will take place as a result of natural limits from 3% to the anticipated 1%, including a decreased productivity of the computer revolution. Mechanisms of the functioning of the world economy will change: reconstruction of energy industry and transport, pressure on recycling of minerals, transformation of the labour market together with the use of robotics and artificial intelligence, the end of consumptionism. The daily issues include the problem of supplementing economic globalization with a political control mechanism and including a new civilizational power, which China is becoming. The latter opt for a multipolar order, where local civilizations will preserve their separate character and where they will be able to create a system of supplying their economies with deficit raw material and outlets but without military bases and without following the USA in recognizing certain areas to be the "zones of vested interests". The world will be different but will it be worse?

This text aims to present the thoughts of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in the context of the relationship between the state, capitalism, and machines. Due to the multiplicity and rhizomatics that characterize the works of both French philosophers, the author also outlines the basic concepts important from the point of view of the discussed problem, such as abstract machines, devices, segmentation, deterritorialization, coding, axiomatics, rhizoma, micropolitics, and macropolitics. The perspective proposed in the works of Deleuze and Guattari escapes the well-known patterns of analysis in social sciences, which makes them an interesting look at the relationship between the state and capitalism.

The author of the article analyses the idea of political change, focusing on the question whether this change in Poland after the year 1989 was carried out by way of revolution or reforms. he considerations characterise mainly the idea of Mirosław Dzielski and his community, as well as relations with their opponents. Several elements of the above-named theory are brought out in the text. Firstly, the necessity of making comprehensive social changes for the success of the planned change. Secondly, reality diagnosis is necessary. Thirdly, planning of the form of political change, and finally, creation of the project for 'the system of freedom'. The article shows the uniqueness of Dzielski's opinions as a liberal. The author puts special emphasis on the fact that according to him, the reforms program should be directed not at communists but communism. What's more, he perceived that in the Polish conditions there was a collision between freedom and democracy, whereas in his opinion the primacy should go the former.

The author attempts at formulating certain hypotheses concerning basic developement trends in a contemporary capitalist society. The United States are selected as an example. Two significant concepts advanced by J. K. Galbraith and D. Bell functioning in the contemporary American thought are reconstructed in the article. Limitations of these concepts are indicated on the grounds of Marxian theory of policy, they neglect a real effect of the increacing role played by a political sphere in social life. Criticized authors focussing on bureaucratic processess do not admit the fact that a study in categories of bureaucracy indicates only at formal features of transformations. It is only the indication at real functions of bureaucratic organization which can facilitate perception evolutionary trends of contemporary capitalist society. In this context prognoses formulated by A. de Tocqueville in his "On Democracy in America" are still up-to-date. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

This paper is the comparative analysis of two historically interdependent systems or socio-economic regimes: democracy and capitalism. The author argues that capitalism serves democracy only to a certain extent, and only within its own established framework. When capitalism takes the "wicked" form, it leads to the distortion of democracy, and even to its destruction. The above analysis has covered the problems of expansion of the vexing phenomenon of poverty, social inequality, accelerated global warming, protectionism and the privileged position of the highly developed countries, the controversy surrounding the governments' approval of apparently democratic and privileged position of the USA. The author's reflections are based on the reliable statistical data from the public institution sources and the author's own empirical research. ; Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza porównawcza dwóch historycznie zależnych od siebie systemów lub ustrojów społeczno-gospodarczych: demokracji i kapitalizmu. Autor stawia tezę, że kapitalizm jedynie do pewnego stopnia służy demokracji i tylko w ramach przez nią ustalonych. Kiedy kapitalizm przyjmuje formę "niegodziwą", doprowadza do zniekształcenia demokracji, a nawet do jej zniszczenia. Przeanalizowane zostały problemy dokuczliwego rozszerzania się zjawiska biedy, nierówności społecznych, przyspieszonego ocieplania klimatu, protekcjonalizmu i uprzywilejowanej pozycji państw wysokorozwiniętych, kontrowersji wokół legitymizacji rządów pozornie demokratycznych i uprzywilejowanej pozycji USA. Przedstawione przez autora rozważania oparte są o miarodajne dane statystyczne ze źródeł instytucji publicznych oraz empiryczne badania własne.

The author of the book raises the problem of fast automation of production and the crisis of capitalism. He analyzes the space of possibilities and wonders about the vision of the future, presenting two utopias and two antiutopias.

Normative concept of The Social-Economic order proposed by Wilhelm Röpke allows for the valuation of the modern shape of Capitalism. In the introduction the author has attempted to show the actual problems faced by current Public Policy such as reinstatement of the socially accepted order of freedom during era of oligopolistic-corporate-finance oriented capitalism, fight against asymmetric distribution of wealth and management of sustainable Immigration Policy. Wilhelm Röpke was a member of a group called "Ordo liberals". According to the Ortoliberals the public policy needs to allow most possible freedoms to all citizens (including economic free market freedoms). At the same time, the Ortoliberals want to be active in preparing the Public Policy which would prepare a platform for effective economy, fair justice system and equal opportunity for all members of society. According to Ortoliberalism, administrative actions need to follow the principle of subsidiarity. The Public Policy must also ensure social justice and protection of dignity for the whole population, as expected in the society governed by Social Solidarity.

The article presents various manifestations of concentration of power characteristic of tendencies existing within the capitalist system. The interdependencies and contradictions of related processes are presented in the directly economic and political dimensions. In relation to the problem, the adequacy of understanding the developmental tendencies of capitalism in Marx's approach and some of the later thinkers rooted in various ideological traditions referring to Marxism is examined.

Rozważania podjęte w tekście koncentrują się wokół roli instytucji w procesach rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego państw. Przedmiotem szczególnej uwagi jest jeden z wymiarów funkcjonowania instytucji, przejawiający się w rozumieniu ich jako efektywnych instrumentów redukowania dystansu rozwojowego wobec państw zachodnich. W tekście zauważono, iż w pierwszych latach po roku 1989 instytucje zniknęły z głównego nurtu ważnych debat intelektualnych. Wskazano główne źródła tego procesu: 1) popularne w latach 90. XX wieku przekonanie o globalnej konwergencji kapitalizmu oraz 2) dominującą w ówczesnej socjologii teorię modernizacji. W artykule postawiono tezę, iż instytucje wróciły do centrum debat akademickich i strategii rozwojowych z powodu splotu następujących procesów i wydarzeń: 1) szerokiej debaty poświęconej instytucjonalnym źródłom wzrostu i rozwoju zapoczątkowanej publikacjąpracy Darona Acemoglu i Jamesa Robinsona Why Nations Fail, 2) globalnego kryzysu ekonomicznego z roku 2008 zainicjowanego upadkiem amerykańskiego banku inwestycyjnego Lehman Brothers, 3) zróżnicowanym konsekwencjom kryzysu ekonomicznego, jakie można dostrzec w USA i w Europie, które ilustrują, 4) instytucjonalną różnorodność kapitalizmu. ; The paper describes the latest change in the research on social and economic development of states. This change is characterized mainly by a strong emphasis put on the role of institutions as key instruments of reducing the development gap between countries. It is argued that in the years after 1989 institutions have disappeared from mainstream academia and major intellectual debates because of: (1) the widespread belief in global convergence of capitalism and (2) the modernization theory which prevailed in the social science in the 1990s. The article indicates that institutions were once again brought into focus as a result of (1) a wider debate about the institutional sources of growth and development sparked by Acemoglu and Robinson's Why Nations Fail, (2) the beginning of the global economic crisis of 2008 triggered by the fall of American investment bank Lehman Brothers (3) diversified consequences of the economic crisis seen all over Europe and the USA which illustrate (4) the institutional varieties of capitalism.

The contemporary economic security of states depends more and more heavily on technological factors. The paper provides a comparative study covering the trade of the Visegrád Group with a primary purpose to explore directions of technological change, revealed in the structure of their exports, their likely causes, and consequences. The research problem was positioned in an interdisciplinary methodological perspective, merging critical security studies, international political economy, international economics, and new public governance. The obtained results prove characteristics of V4 economies typical of dependent capitalism and confirm the structural challenge of foreign technological guidance.

The aim of the article is to analyze the theory of capitalist imperialism in the context of the challenges of the war in Ukraine. The main theoretical positions in the face of this war, related debates and doubts are outlined. A thesis is put forward about the adequacy of the diagnosis treating capitalist imperialism as a phenomenon rooted in the essence of capitalist states and the specificity of their rivalry. When analyzing the war in Ukraine against the backdrop of multipolar imperialism, an attempt is also made to concrete the analysis of Russian imperialism in relation to the failure of Russia's economic reconstruction and attempts to change this state's place in global capitalism.