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Continued crime against humanity that capitalism and the EU are perpetrated against tens of thousands of people forced to migrate, causing a terrible catastrophe, before which we cannot remain silent, and to which we cannot commit obscenity adopted by certain fallacious theories that seek to blame some drama called "mafias".

I focus in this chapter on Revolutionary Marxist education, distinguishing it, in particular, from both Centrist, and Left versions of social democracy/revisionism. Accordingly, I set out what I consider to be five key aspects Marxists critique about education policy, and make proposals and seek to enact, relating to: (i) Curriculum and Assessment, (ii) Pedagogy, (iii) The Organisational Culture within the School/ Institution, (iv) Organisation of The Education System and of Students, that is, comprehensive schooling or selective schooling, and (v) Ownership and Control of Schools, Colleges and Universities. The conclusion sets out what is specifically Marxist about the proposals set out.

La guerra como instrumento del capitalismo ha tomado un lugar importante en la historia de los dos últimos siglos. La violencia surge por la acumulación de capital y por el necesario control de los mercados y materias primas. Este es el escenario al que nos enfrentamos: la guerra y el capitalismo. Es la guerra por la solución de las crisis económicas o por la consolidación del poder político, militar y económico. La guerra es inherente al capitalismo. Las naciones, el colonialismo y el imperialismo responden a los intereses económicos de las grandes naciones capitalistas. Las naciones fuertes hablan del fin de las naciones a la vez. que reivindican la suya propia con el objeto de que el mundo no occidental desarticule y abandone sus procesos nacionales. Aun así la nación está presente y es un derecho del Tercer Mundo ; War as an instrument of capitalism has taken an important place in the history of the last two centuries. Violence arises from the accumulation of capital and the necessary control of markets and raw materials. This is the scenario we face: war and capitalism. It is the war for the solution of economic crises or for the consolidation of political, military and economic power. War is inherent in capitalism. Nations, colonialism and imperialism respond to the economic interests of the great capitalist nations. Strong nations speak of the end of nations at once. that claim their own in order for the non-Western world to dismantle and abandon its national processes. Even so, the nation is present and it is a Third World right

[Abstract] Bourdieu passed away ten years away. His last works were focused on the globalization and the extension of neoliberalism. Bourdieu, who had developed an enormous theory corpus, changed his academic interest to analyse how neoliberal economic reason was colonising all the fields of our lives. Transnational capitalism had positioned as the best and the only way to thinking the economic and the polity in a global world due to the power of its symbolic capital. Nevertheless, this false prophetic global system was hiding the workers' exploitation, the flexibilization of the national economic systems, the reduction of the democratic national-states and the loss of socials rights. Nowadays, living the worst economic crisis since the Great Crease, it looks interesting and necessary revisiting Bourdieu's approach to check the validity and the accurate of their analyses and predictions. ; [Resumen] Hace diez años que Bourdieu falleció. Sus últimos trabajos se centraron en la globalización y en la extensión del neoliberalismo. Bourdieu, que desarrolló un enorme corpus teórico, cambió sus intereses académicos para analizar como la razón economicista neoliberal estaba colonizando todos los campos de la vida. El capitalismo transnacional se había posicionado como la mejor y única posibilidad de pensar en lo político y en lo económico en un mundo globalizado, debido al poder de su capital simbólico. Sin embargo, este sistema global falsamente profético estaba escondiendo la explotación de los trabajadores, la flexibilización de las economías nacionales, la reducción de los Estados-nación y la pérdida de derechos social. En nuestros días, que vivimos la peor crisis económica desde el Crack del 29, resulta interesante y necesario revisitar el trabajo de Bourdieu para comprobar su vigencia y lo acertado de sus análisis y sus predicciones.

Chris Harman manifests that the current financial crisis is in reality a systemic crisis. Based on this affirmation, this paper attempts to study in depth the causes that have generated this systemic crisis, analyzing some reactions by the right (Quiggin, Smati, etc.), both its most conservative wing as well as reformist approaches. Also, it is important to point out that, starting from a concept of science understood as Wissenschaft, as rational and systematic process, it can be shown how technological development, impelled by the capitalist system itself, has provoked a valorization crisis that in the end makes it impossible to obtain surplus value, since this interrupts the circulation-reproduction process of capital. This thesis permits gathering fundamental elements for the critique of capitalism from authors such as Henri Mora, Sergio Reuben, David Harvey, etc., as well as recovering some ideas by Marx developed in Capital and Grundrisse. Within this framework, it proposes Marxism as a valid option for analyzing and overcoming the political and economic contradictions that late capitalism generates and that imply a gradual wearing down of bourgeois democracy. Finally, this essay is an optional approach to the current crisis from a perspective that does not require a mastery of economic science but does not lose its scientific value. ; Chris Harman expresa que la actual crisis financiera es en realidad una crisis sistémica. A partir de esta afirmación, se trata de ahondar en las causas que han generado esta crisis sistémica, analizando algunas respuestas a esta por parte de la Derecha (Quiggin, Smati, etc.) tanto en su ala más conservadora, como en su ala reformista. Asimismo, es importante señalar que partiendo de una concepción de ciencia, entendida como Wissenschaft, como proceso racional y sistemático, se muestra cómo el desarrollo tecnológico, impulsado por el sistema capitalista mismo, ha provocado una crisis de valorización, que en última instancia hace imposible el hacer efectiva la plusvalía, interrumpiendo el proceso de circulación-reproducción del capital. Esta tesis permite tanto agrupar algunos elementos fundamentales en la crítica al capitalismo tomados de diversos autores, como: Henri Mora, Sergio Reuben, David Harvey, etc., así como recuperar algunas ideas planteadas por Marx en El Capital y los Grundrisse. Además, dentro de este marco, seplantea el marxismo como una opción válida para el análisis y superación de las contradicciones políticas y económicas que este último capitalismo genera y que conlleva un desgaste gradual de la democracia burguesa. Finalmente, este texto se presenta como una opción de aproximación al análisis de la actual crisis, desde una perspectiva que no requiere el manejo de la ciencia económica, pero que no pierde su valor científico.

Aunque ya muchos han sondeado los terrenos del porqué de la maldad humana, me propongo poner a su consideración una idea que desde hace mucho tiempo me despierta la más honda preocupación y el más sincero rechazo en torno al tema. Si seguimos con esta codicia desmedida, no sólo no vamos a terminar con el planeta, sino con la supervivencia de la especie humana, de ese grupo milenario que ha sido capaz de construir monumentales obras, escribir apoteósicos cantares y pintar bellos lienzos. Es hora de hacer un alto y revisar nuestro estilo de vida, de modificar ese afán por poseer y acumular, de cambiar esa enfermiza avaricia que nos obliga a comprar ciegamente y conseguir, a veces de forma ruin, dinero para satisfacer deseos banales. Tengamos en cuenta que somos seres humanos, individuos excelsos, capaces de crear inimaginables maravillas. No somos sujetos irracionales que debemos esclavizar niños para trabajar en una fábrica y aumentar nuestro capital.

It establishes a relationship between peasants and agro-ecology, as categories of rural sociology, trying to contribute to a construct, which unifies them: the agro-ecological peasant. This feat obliges to dialogue with both concepts and to observe two nodules, which are visualized as main ones: 1- nature and/or its components and 2- the relation between peasant-capitalism tension, nodules that the subjects and the contexts,
which connect and align them so that they may contribute to this construction.

The "return to materiality" is a burgeoning phenomenon in philosophy, the social sciences and the humanities. New materialists make a case against cultural constructionism and for a nondualist account of the world as comprised of fluid, ever-changing entities. This would allegedly offer grounds for an embodied, post-humanist emancipatory politics. The article problematizes such claim. By relying on techno-scientific accounts of materiality, new materialism embroils with the analytics of truth, neglecting how nondualist ontologies underpin today intensifying forms of domination over humans and nonhumans. A "critical" humanism is needed, which refrains from ambivalent post-humanist narratives without reverting to dualist thinking. To this purpose Heidegger offers valuable insights. ; El "regreso a la materialidad" es un fenómeno floreciente en la filosofía, las ciencias sociales y las humanidades. Los nuevos materialistas desarrollan argumentos en contra del construccionismo cultural y a favor de un relato no dualista del mundo, compuesto de entidades fluidas y en constante cambio. Esto presuntamente ofrecería fundamentos para una política emancipatoria de carácter post-humanista. El artículo problematiza tal afirmación. Al confiar en los relatos tecnocientíficos de la materialidad, el nuevo materialismo se ha embrollado con la analítica de la verdad, descuidando cómo las ontologías no dualistas sustentan hoy formas intensificadoras de dominación sobre los humanos y los no humanos. Se necesita un humanismo "crítico", que se abstenga de las narrativas ambivalentes post-humanistas sin volver al pensamiento dualista. Con este propósito, Heidegger ofrece ideas valiosas.

The "return to materiality" is a burgeoning phenomenon in philosophy, the social sciences and the humanities. New materialists make a case against cultural constructionism and for a nondualist account of the world as comprised of fluid, ever-changing entities. This would allegedly offer grounds for an embodied, post-humanist emancipatory politics. The article problematizes such claim. By relying on techno-scientific accounts of materiality, new materialism embroils with the analytics of truth, neglecting how nondualist ontologies underpin today intensifying forms of domination over humans and nonhumans. A "critical" humanism is needed, which refrains from ambivalent post-humanist narratives without reverting to dualist thinking. To this purpose Heidegger offers valuable insights.

The financial crisis has not changed the economic structure of capitalism and critics of capitalism have increasingly turned to Marx for solutions. It is argued here that Hegel provides a better theoretical framework than Marx when it comes to understanding current alternatives. Hegel envisioned a society that transcends its capitalistic basis and reactivates communal energies. Thus Hegel can be considered to restore the Platonic ideal of koinonía which refers to the idea of a society organised around the needs of communities rather than individuals. The term has been used in the analysis of early Christianity and has been taken up by the Catholic Church; it is useful now because it has both a deeply metaphysical sense and a political and social reference which gives rise to ideas of right and justice. With this in mind, alternatives to capitalism are discussed which are based on the concept of 'the collaborative commons'. Three recent examples are considered which underpin current activist movements: the peer-to-peer movement of Michel Bauwens, the convivialist movement of Alain Caillé and the common-good movement of Christian Felber. For Hegel and for the modern collaborative commons a community-based society marks the end of capitalism.O FIM DO CAPITALISMO E O RETORNO DA KOINONIAResumoA crise financeira não mudou a estrutura econômica do capitalismo e críticos do capitalismo têm cada vez mais se voltado para Marx buscando soluções. O argumento em destaque propõe que Hegel oferece enquadramento teórico melhor que o de Marx quando se trata de compreender as atuais alternativas. Hegel pressupunha uma sociedade que transcendesse sua base capitalista e reativasse energias em comum. Desse modo, Hegel pode ser considerado o restaurador do ideal platônico de koinonia, que se refere à ideia de uma sociedade organizada tendo em vista as necessidades das comunidades em vez daquelas individuais. O termo foi usado na análise dos primeiros tempos da Cristandade e foi retomado pela Igreja Católica; é útil agora porque apresenta tanto um sentido profundamente metafísico quanto uma referência social e política que traz à tona ideias de direito e de justiça. Com isto em mente, alternativas para o capitalismo são discutidas com base no conceito de 'os comuns colaborativos'. Três exemplos recentes são considerados por apoiar os atuais movimentos de ativistas: o movimento "peer-to-peer" de Michel Bawens, o movimento de convivência de Alain Caillé e o movimento do bem-comum de Christian Felber. Para Hegel e para os comuns colaborativos modernos, uma sociedade baseada em comunidades marca o fim do capitalismo.

The confinement generated by the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020 accelerated technological change, leading governments and companies to define different types of measures, not only to attend to the health emergency, but also to continue with their activities during the isolation. Among the most important organizational changes is teleworking or working at home, boasted for its benefits both in the autonomy of the worker, flexible hours and a better balance between work and family life. The objective of this article is to analyze teleworking and its main characteristics within the framework of a surveillance capitalism that implements digital control mechanisms, exacerbating the surveillance and monitoring of workers' activities. Shoshana Zuboff (2019a, 2019b), Byung Chul Han (2014; 2013) and Michael Foucault (2002) are reviewed as theoretical supports to understand the version of Digital Capitalism that transformed the various spaces of relationship fundamentally the capital/work relationship that increased the individualization of labor, as well as the incorporation of new methods of control and surveillance. The methodology used is qualitative based on documentary review and reflective analysis in which the immersion of the researcher is sensitive in the interpretation of the social world. Based on the analysis, it is concluded that companies and digital employees have modified the way in which workers and companies relate to each other, transforming the labor world; and that in a scenario of virus and civilization crisis, the ordering of teleworkers is sharpened with monitoring software as increasingly effective and subtle control methods. Keywords: Teleworking; surveillance capitalism; monitoring; surveillance software. ; El confinamiento generado por la pandemia Covid-19 en marzo de 2020, aceleró el cambio tecnológico, llevando a los gobiernos y a las empresas a definir medidas de distinto tipo, no solo para atender la emergencia sanitaria, sino para continuar con sus actividades durante el aislamiento. Entre las modificaciones organizativas de mayor trascendencia se encuentra el teletrabajo o trabajo en casa, vanagloriado por sus bondades tanto en la autonomía del trabajador, la flexibilidad de horarios como en un mayor equilibrio entre la vida laboral y la vida familiar. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el teletrabajo y sus principales características en el marco de un capitalismo de vigilancia que implementa mecanismos de control digital exacerbando la vigilancia y el monitoreo de las actividades de los trabajadores. Se revisa a Shoshana Zuboff (2019a, 2019b), Byung Chul Han (2014; 2013) y Michael Foucault (2002) como soportes teóricos para comprender la versión del Capitalismo Digital que transformó los diversos espacios de relacionamiento fundamentalmente la relación capital/trabajo que acrecentó la individualización del trabajo, así como la incorporación de nuevos métodos de control y vigilancia. La metodología que se utiliza es cualitativa con base en la revisión documental y de análisis reflexivo en el que la inmersión del investigador es sensible en la interpretación del mundo social. Con base en el análisis se concluye que las empresas y los empleados digitales han modificado la manera en que trabajadores y empresas se relacionan, transformado el mundo laboral; y que en un escenario de virus y crisis civilizatoria, el ordenamiento de los teletrabajadores se agudiza con los software de monitoreo como métodos de control cada vez más eficaces y sutiles. Palabras clave: Teletrabajo; capitalismo de vigilancia; software de monitoreo; vigilancia.