Our research project is dealing with the question of the role of economic and ecological added and reduced values and how its redistribution improves the sustainability of qualitative and quantitative soil management policies. It focuses on the following four objectives: 1) Understanding how various types of added/reduced economic and ecological values of land/soil are created and how they interact within three of the most problematical types of (functional) spaces in Switzerland: agglomerations, tourist areas, and rural periurban areas. 2) Comparing, in a theoretical and a methodological perspective, existing and innovative new policy instruments dealing with the question of land/soil added and reduced value redistribution under the aspect of their capacity to achieve the objective of a more ecological land use. 3) Testing - through three quasi experimental/scenarios based case studies - various (sets of) existing or new policy instruments that could strengthen the redistribution of land and soil property and use rights as well as of land/soil ecological and economic added/reduced values in a more sustainable way and at a functional space scale. 4) Formulating specific, innovative and applicable policy recommendations, based on the three quasi-experimental and scenario based case studies, concerning the way of developing new redistributive institutional and policy designs, compatible with the existing federal land, soil, and subsoil property rights regimes.
Vom fallbasierten Lernen mit Videos wird angenommen, dass es die Reflexionskompetenz und Analysekompetenz bei Lehramtsstudierenden fördern kann. Allerdings fehlen bislang empirische Belege zu Effekten des fallbasierten Lernens mit Unterrichtsvideos und es dominieren Evaluationsstudien im Fortbildungsbereich. Die Studie untersucht, wie sich videobasierte didaktische Arrangements auf die Entwicklung der Beobachtungskompetenz und der unterrichtsbezogenen Überzeugungen in der ersten Phase der Lehrerbildung auswirken. Hierzu werden in einem experimentellen Interventionsdesign mit insgesamt 300 Studierenden der Universität Tübingen videobasierte Lernumgebungen mit herkömmlichen Formen der theoretischen Ausbildung verglichen. Die Gestaltung des Interventionsdesigns orientiert sich an theoretischen Vorstellungen des situierten und problemorientierten Lernens.
Themen: Identifizierungscode, Teilnahme an Pre- und Post-Test, Altersgruppe, Geschlecht, Kurs, Verfahren (Video/Text Sequence), Studienfach, Semester, Erfahrung Unterrichtsstunden, Grund für Wahl eines spezifischen Lehren, Lernen, Unterricht (LLU)-Kurses, Vorbereitungsliteratur gelesen, Erfahrung in Unterrichtsanalyse, Bewertung des Nutzens von Unterrichtsanalysen, wahrgenommenes Wissen über Classroom Management, Zufriedenheit mit Studium, Analyse der Unterrichtssequenz, Emotionen gegenüber fallbasiertem Lernen, Bereitschaft zur Reflexion (Handeln), Bereitschaft zur Reflexion (Haltung), Erwartungswert gegenüber LLU-Seminar, Bereitschaft zur Anstrengung, konstruktivistische Lernüberzeugungen, Interesse an Classroom-Management, praktische Relevanz des Kurses, Einstellung zum kooperativen Lernen, selbst wahrgenommenes Wissen über Classroom-Management, Wissen über Classroom-Management, Zielorientierung, Kognitives Bedürfnis, Teilnahme, Akzeptanz von fallbasiertem Lernen, Nutzen des fallbasierten Lernens, wahrgenommener Erkenntnisgewinn, Big Five Persönlichkeitstest.
Angesichts der aktuellen Herausforderungen durch Globalisierung, weltweite Fluchtbewegungen, soziale Ungleichheit sowie eine zunehmende ethnische, kulturelle und religiöse Diversität kommt dem sozialen Zusammenhalt vor Ort eine hohe Bedeutung zu. Im Rahmen des "Radar gesellschaftlicher Zusammenhalt", den die Bertelsmann Stiftung seit 2011 durchführt, wurden in der vorliegenden Studie in insgesamt vier Städten der soziale Zusammenhalt vor Ort untersucht (einer Großstadt und drei Klein- oder Mittelstädten in Ost- und Westdeutschland). Ausgewählt für diese Untersuchung wurden die Städte Dortmund, Rostock, Lippstadt und Dessau-Roßlau.
Themen: Verbundenheit mit Europa, Deutschland, dem Bundesland, der Region, der Stadt, dem Ortsteil und der Nachbarschaft (geopolitische Identität); Umzugsabsicht; Wohnform (Wohnstatus); soziales Netzwerk: Größe des Freundes- und Bekanntenkreises; Häufigkeit privater Treffen mit Freunden, Verwandten und mit Arbeitskollegen; gegenseitige Nachbarschaftsbesuche; Kontakte zu Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund im persönlichen oder beruflichen Umfeld;
Vertrauen in Mitmenschen: allgemeines Personenvertrauen; Vorteilsdenken vs. überwiegende Hilfsbereitschaft der Menschen.
Akzeptanz von Diversität: Bereicherung vs. Bedrohung des Lebens in Deutschland durch zunehmende Vielfalt; Meinung zu einer Willkommenskultur in Deutschland; Meinung zur Integration von Zuwanderern in Deutschland; Ähnlichkeit oder Unterschiedlichkeit der Menschen im Ortsteil; größte Unterschiede in Bezug auf Herkunft, soziale Lage oder Religion/ Kultur; Zufriedenheit mit der Zusammensetzung der Menschen im Ortsteil; Meinung zu Ausländern: zu viele Ausländer in Deutschland, Ausländer in ihre Heimat zurückschicken, wenn Arbeitsplätze knapp werden; Meinung zu Muslimen: wie ein Fremder im eigenen Land durch die vielen Muslime in Deutschland; Muslimen sollte die Zuwanderung nach Deutschland untersagt werden.
Institutionenvertrauen: Vertrauen in verschiedene gesellschaftliche und politische Institutionen (Parteien/ Politiker im Allgemeinen, Parteien/ Politiker vor Ort, Bundesregierung, Landesregierung, Stadt- und Gemeindeverwaltung, Gerichte, Polizei, lokale/ regionale Medien, überregionale Medien).
Gerechtigkeitsempfinden: Gerechter Anteil am allgemeinen Lebensstandard; Ausstattung des Ortsteils mit genügend Jugendfreizeiteinrichtungen, Familien- und Nachbarschaftszentren, Tagesstätten für Senioren und öffentlichen Sport- oder Freizeitanlangen; Zustimmung zur Aussage Stadt kümmert sich nicht genug um meinen Ortsteil.
Solidarität und Hilfsbereitschaft: Hilfsbereitschaft gegenüber einer hilfsbedürftigen fremden Person; Häufigkeit von Hilfeleistungen gegenüber Personen außerhalb des Haushalts; Häufigkeit von Hilfsangebote an hilfsbedürftige Personen; Häufigkeit von Aktivitäten in verschiedenen Vereinen oder Initiativen.
Anerkennung sozialer Regeln: Empfundene Störung im Ortsteil durch beschädigte Spielplätze/ Bushaltestellen, Graffiti, Schmutz bzw. Müll in Straßen und Grünanlagen, Jugendliche in Gruppen, Betrunkene, Bettler und Obdachlose; persönliches Sicherheitsgefühl am Wohnort; Veränderung des persönlichen Sicherheitsgefühls am Wohnort; persönliches Sicherheitsgefühl am Wohnort in der Nacht.
Gesellschaftliche Teilhabe: Politikinteresse; Interesse an Lokalpolitik; Stärke des persönlichen Engagements für die Interessen der Wohngegend bzw. der Menschen in der Wohngegend; Art des politischen Engagements in den letzten zwölf Monaten (z.B. Ausüben eines politischen Amts, Beteiligung an einer Demonstration, etc.); Einschätzung zu politischen Fragen (Internal Political Efficacy).
Aufnahme und Integration von Flüchtlingen: Zuwanderung von Flüchtlingen gut vs. schlecht für die deutsche bzw. die lokale Wirtschaft; Deutschland bzw. die eigene Stadt wird durch die Flüchtlinge zu einem besseren vs. schlechteren Ort zum Leben; Beurteilung der Leistung Deutschlands bzw. der eigenen Stadt bei der Bewältigung der Herausforderungen durch die Aufnahme und Integration von Flüchtlingen; Bewertung der Flüchtlings- und Integrationspolitik der Stadt; Einverständnis mit der Unterbringung von Flüchtlingen im Ortsteil; Art des ehrenamtlichen Engagements für Flüchtlinge in den letzten beiden Jahren (z.B. Geld- oder Sachspenden, Sortieren oder Ausgabe von Kleidung oder Lebensmitteln, etc.); Erfahrung mit Anfeindungen durch persönliches Engagement für Flüchtlinge; eher positive oder eher negative Erfahrungen im Kontakt mit Flüchtlingen; Beteiligung an Aktionen gegen den weiteren Zuzug von Flüchtlingen (Bewohnerversammlungen, Unterschriftenaktionen, Demonstrationen, andere); Bewertung des Verhältnisses der Bewohner untereinander im Ortsteil; Auswirkung der Aufnahme und Integration von Flüchtlingen auf das Miteinander im Ortsteil; wichtige Maßnahmen der Stadt zur Förderung des sozialen Zusammenhalts in der Kommune (z.B. Förderung von Bildungschancen (Kitas, Schule), Förderung der Arbeitsmarktintegration, Förderung des sozialen Wohnungsbaus, etc.).
Häufigkeit der privaten Internetnutzung; Anzahl der Bücher im Haushalt; Selbsteinschätzung der Religiosität; Lebenszufriedenheit; Selbsteinschätzung des Gesundheitszustands.
Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter; Haushaltsgröße; Anzahl der Kinder im Haushalt; Familienstand; berufliche Situation (Erwerbsstatus); höchster Schulabschluss; höchster beruflicher Bildungsabschluss; Bezug von Sozialleistungen in den letzten 12 Monaten; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; Beurteilung der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage; in Deutschland geboren; deutsche Staatsbürgerschaft; Angabe der Staatsbürgerschaft; Geburt der Eltern in Deutschland (Migrationshintergrund); zu Hause gesprochene Sprache; Angabe der anderen Sprache falls nicht Deutsch.
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Interviewnummer; Stadt (Rostock, Dessau, Dortmund, Lippstadt); Gewicht; Befragter hat keine Angaben zu Alter, Haushaltsgröße und Anzahl der Kinder gemacht.
The dataset is part of a project to investigate justifications of repression in North African autocracies. It was set up to answer the question to what extent and how repressive incidents were communicated and justified in Morocco and Tunisia from 2000 to 2010, before the beginning of the Arab uprising protests.
The event dataset is the first to disaggregate data on repressive incidents in two countries over the course of a decade, providing information about the forms of repression, its targets, the actors involved in repression and its justification, and the communication of state violence. All variables are available in textual form, although the forms of repression and repressive actors are all also listed in binary form to facilitate software-supported analysis. The dataset contains in total 439 repressive incidents: namely, 280 for Tunisia and 159 for Morocco. The data was collected from publicly available reports by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the U.S. State Department, and organizations and news outlets that covered repressive events and their respective justifications. We complemented these English-language sources with further information from French and Arabic sources and provide all data in English. This systematic collection enables us to assess the extent of justification, as opposed to denial or cover-up, and also to dig into the substantial arguments that were brought forward here. It includes not only cases of protest repression, but also more mundane everyday restrictions on dissidents, and other human rights violations. This gives insight into the political communication of autocracies and their strategies to mitigate the risk of backlash that usually comes with the use of state violence.
Online messaging app Telegram has increased in popularity in recent years surpassing Twitter and Snapchat by the number of active monthly users in late 2020. The messenger has also been crucial to protest movements in several countries in 2019-2020, including Belarus, Russia and Hong Kong. Yet, to date only few studies examined online activities on Telegram and none have analyzed the platform with regard to the protest mobilization. In the present study, we address the existing gap by examining Telegram-based activities related to the 2019 protests in Hong Kong. With this paper we aim to provide an example of methodological tools that can be used to study protest mobilization and coordination on Telegram. We also contribute to the research on computational text analysis in Cantonese - one of the low-resource Asian languages, - as well as to the scholarship on Hong Kong protests and research on social media-based protest mobilization in general. For that, we rely on the data collected through Telegram's API and a combination of network analysis and computational text analysis. We find that the Telegram-based network was cohesive ensuring efficient spread of protest-related information. Content spread through Telegram predominantly concerned discussions of future actions and protest-related on-site information (i.e., police presence in certain areas). We find that the Telegram network was dominated by different actors each month of the observation suggesting the absence of one single leader. Further, traditional protest leaders - those prominent during the 2014 Umbrella Movement, - such as media and civic organisations were less prominent in the network than local communities. Finally, we observe a cooldown in the level of Telegram activity after the enactment of the harsh National Security Law in July 2020. Further investigation is necessary to assess the persistence of this effect in a long-term perspective.
Sustainable development and the model of the compact city increasingly influence land planning policies. In this context, an inward development and an urban regeneration are suggested by many official planning documents. The advantages of limiting urban sprawl and promoting inward development are well developed in academic literature as well as in official documents. But some political and sociological questions remain unanswered. Which social categories are more likely to go back to the city? Will this movement of return to the city change its social structure? Will it create new inequalities? Studies, mostly in Anglo-American countries, have shown that the movement of return to the city is in many cases accompanied by a gentrification process. In other words, social categories concerned by this movement are rather middle to high classes. Our purpose is to determine if a movement of return to the city occurs in Switzerland, which social categories are concerned and if a process of gentrification is going on. Case studies will focus on the motivations and the residential trajectories of these new inhabitants and determine to what extent the regeneration policies adopted by local authorities take into account this important social dimension of the process.
The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries. The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.
The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries. The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.
The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries. The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.
The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries. The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.
The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries. The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.
The project analyzes how societies' vulnerabilities to different types of policy responses to the crisis affects their willingness to engage in policies that constribute to a sustainable solution of the euro crisis. The argument builds on the insight that the euro crisis is, at its root, a balance-of-payments crisis and argues that the resulting distributive struggles surrounding the politics of the euro crisis in surplus and deficit countries are distinct but related, and should therefore be analyzed in a unified framework. The vulnerability to internal reforms is inversely related to the willingness to support (in surplus countries) or demand (in deficit countries) transfer payments to crisis countries.
Empirically, the project examined how vulnerability profiles affect domestic crisis politics and policies on two levels of analysis, the interest-group and the national level. It used a mixed-methods research design that combined a quantitative analysis of national vulnerability profiles and crisis politics in a wider set of deficit and surplus countries, interest-group surveys in selected Eurozone surplus and deficit countries and qualitative comparative case studies of the domestic politics of the euro crisis in these countries.
The overarching goal of the project was to generate an encompassing picture of the distributional politics of the euro crisis and a better understanding of the constraints under which European policymakers operate in their attempts to solve the crisis.
The project analyzes how societies' vulnerabilities to different types of policy responses to the crisis affects their willingness to engage in policies that constribute to a sustainable solution of the euro crisis. The argument builds on the insight that the euro crisis is, at its root, a balance-of-payments crisis and argues that the resulting distributive struggles surrounding the politics of the euro crisis in surplus and deficit countries are distinct but related, and should therefore be analyzed in a unified framework. The vulnerability to internal reforms is inversely related to the willingness to support (in surplus countries) or demand (in deficit countries) transfer payments to crisis countries.
Empirically, the project examined how vulnerability profiles affect domestic crisis politics and policies on two levels of analysis, the interest-group and the national level. It used a mixed-methods research design that combined a quantitative analysis of national vulnerability profiles and crisis politics in a wider set of deficit and surplus countries, interest-group surveys in selected Eurozone surplus and deficit countries and qualitative comparative case studies of the domestic politics of the euro crisis in these countries.
The overarching goal of the project was to generate an encompassing picture of the distributional politics of the euro crisis and a better understanding of the constraints under which European policymakers operate in their attempts to solve the crisis.
Kleine Fachhochschulen in strukturschwachen Lagen erfüllen für ihre peripheren Region wichtige Funktionen, sind aber in ihrem Bestand durch eine Verwettbewerblichung der Hochschulsteuerung zunehmend gefährdet, weil sie in diesem Wettbewerb mehrfach benachteiligt sind. Die Studie nutzt den Ressourcenabhängigkeitsansatz als theoretischen Rahmen um die Ressourcenstrategien von vier Fallstudienhochschulen zu beschreiben und auf Gründe zurückzuführen, mit denen diese Hochschulen ihre Existenz in den strukturschwachen Lagen sichern. Dazu werden insbesondere die Ressourcenstrategien bezogen auf (1) Landesbudget, (2) Personal, (3) Studienbewerber und (4) Praxiskontakte untersucht. Diese Strategien werden in vier Einzelfallstudien dargestellt und anschließend in eine Cross-Case-Analyse Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede in den Strategien der Hochschulen diskutiert.
The Kazakhstan Migration and Remittances Survey (KMRS) data were collected in the framework of the research project "Migration and Remittances in Central Asia: The Case of Kazakhstan and Tajikistan", which was funded by the Volkswagen Foundation in 2009-2013. The KMRS 2010 was designed and implemented by the Institute for East- and Southeast European Studies Regensburg, Germany, in cooperation with the Center for Study of Public Opinion (CIOM) Almaty, Kazakhstan.
