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Frederick the Great, king of Prussia, was an Enlightenment philosophe as well as an absolute monarch. His writings, available in a new translation, reveal a complex character and raise questions about government and autocracy in contemporary Europe.

Factional dynamics intensified within the Communist Party of Vietnam during 2015 as it approached its 12th Party Congress, scheduled for early 2016. Economic growth also increased during the year, projected to average 6.5%. Relations with the U.S. warmed steadily, but also thawed slightly with China.

The most important event to take place in Malaysia during 2013 was its general election. The incumbent National Front government was returned to power, though with less than a majority of the popular vote. The government then rewarded Malay supporters with new affirmative action programs. It also repulsed an armed incursion into Sabah launched from the southern Philippines.

Brunei Darussalam remained untroubled throughout 2011. The government experimented with greater political openness and social reforms. It organized an election for at least part of its Legislative Council. It continued to make advances on women's and environmental issues. Meanwhile, the oil-based economy mostly remained steady. Foreign relations were benign.

A vast literature has accumulated about democratic preconditions, transition, and consolidation in developing countries, highlighting the centrality of these themes in comparative politics today. Further, much of this discussion has been collated among the geographic areas through which democracy's 'third wave' (Huntington 1990) has recently passed, enabling specialists to control for important contextual variables. In explaining regime openings in the relatively uniform settings of South America, southern Europe, eastern Europe, and East Asia, for example, area specialists have been able to analytically set aside such disparate, though significant, features and legacies as bureaucratic authoritarianism, latifundist agriculture, Soviet antecedents, new NIC statuses, Catholicism, Confucianism, and varying degrees of ethnic or cultural complexity. This has permitted, in short, much comparative work, the testing of relatively uncluttered causal statements across a number of cases. Then, after sketching out bold regional generalizations, specialists have been able to factor in fine country uniqueness's, specifying with even greater exactness the relationships between democratic pressures and outcomes. (First paragraph.)

A vast literature has accumulated about democratic preconditions, transition, and consolidation in developing countries, highlighting the centrality of these themes in comparative politics today. Further, much of this discussion has been collated among the geographic areas through which democracy's 'third wave' (Huntington 1990) has recently passed, enabling specialists to control for important contextual variables. In explaining regime openings in the relatively uniform settings of South America, southern Europe, eastern Europe, and East Asia, for example, area specialists have been able to analytically set aside such disparate, though significant, features and legacies as bureaucratic authoritarianism, latifundist agriculture, Soviet antecedents, new NIC statuses, Catholicism, Confucianism, and varying degrees of ethnic or cultural complexity. This has permitted, in short, much comparative work, the testing of relatively uncluttered causal statements across a number of cases. Then, after sketching out bold regional generalizations, specialists have been able to factor in fine country uniqueness's, specifying with even greater exactness the relationships between democratic pressures and outcomes. (First paragraph.)

Leading theories of transitions from single-party dominant systems begin with economic crisis, the party's loss of patronage resources, and elite-level defections. The multiparty elections that are then held exert no independent effect, but instead register neutrally the party's decline and the democratization of politics. This article, however, shifts attention from the dominant party to citizens and elections in noncrisis conditions. It argues that citizens assess on key dimensions the dominant party's legitimacy or worthiness of support. Further, where they grow critical of its policy outputs, they scrutinize more closely its conformity to procedures. And as they anticipate that their voting preferences will be thwarted by electoral manipulations, they vote in protest, perhaps producing a "liberalizing electoral outcome." Elections, then, do not simply indicate the dominant party's decline. By deepening alienation, they help citizens to cause it. Analysis is set in Malaysia, long an exemplar of single-party dominance, but recently a case in which the government was dealt a striking electoral setback.

Leading theories of transitions from single-party dominant systems begin with economic crisis, the party's loss of patronage resources, and elite-level defections. The multiparty elections that are then held exert no independent effect, but instead register neutrally the party's decline and the democratization of politics. This paper, however, shifts attention from the dominant party to citizens and elections in non-crisis conditions. It argues that on key dimensions citizens assess the dominant party's legitimacy or worthiness of support. Further, where they grow critical of its policy outputs, they scrutinize more closely its conformity to procedures. And as they anticipate that their voting preferences will be thwarted by electoral manipulations, they vote in protest, perhaps producing a "liberalizing electoral outcome." Elections, then, do not simply indicate the dominant party's decline. By deepening alienation, they help citizens to cause it. Analysis is set in Malaysia, long an exemplar of single-party dominance, but recently a case in which the government was dealt a striking electoral setback. (JCSA/GIGA)

Leading theories of transitions from single-party dominant systems begin with economic crisis, the party's loss of patronage resources, and elite-level defections. The multiparty elections that are then held exert no independent effect, but instead register neutrally the party's decline and the democratization of politics. This paper, however, shifts attention from the dominant party to citizens and elections in non-crisis conditions. It argues that on key dimensions citizens assess the dominant party's legitimacy or worthiness of support. Further, where they grow critical of its policy outputs, they scrutinize more closely its conformity to procedures. And as they anticipate that their voting preferences will be thwarted by electoral manipulations, they vote in protest, perhaps producing a liberalizing electoral outcome. Elections, then, do not simply indicate the dominant party's decline. By deepening alienation, they help citizens to cause it. Analysis is set in Malaysia, long an exemplar of single-party dominance, but recently a case in which the government was dealt a striking electoral setback. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the alternative belief systems which contemporary organizational actors live by and through which they seek to find meaning within the dominant (neo)capitalist social order. This volume marks an attempt to move the study of belief forward within management and organization studies

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán rails against migration from countries outside of Europe, yet he has been eager to grant citizenship to Hungarian-speakers from countries in the near abroad. Like other populist conservative leaders in the region, he promotes a fortress mentality, based on fear of an "uncertain world," to remake his country—renewing strategies pursued by Hungarian governments in the early twentieth century.

Abstract Discontent simmers within social science over states and nation-states as units of analysis. Disputes over what even constitutes a state, whether simply an organizational apparatus, albeit with unique legitimacy, or a broader complex of social relations, have never been resolved. But it is not just its murky delineation with which the state is afflicted. It has lately come under attack from above and below, with causality seen to be draining away to transnational and sub-national forces. This paper begins by rehearsing the economic and social vectors along which assaults on the state and the nation-state are conveyed. It then turns to Southeast Asia, a part of the developing world in which the state would seem especially vulnerable, its powers having been usurped by transnational firms and corroded internally by connected rent-seekers and provincial "men of prowess." However, this paper tries also to show that in Southeast Asia, national states and territorial borders have remained quite intact. Neither globalized markets, regional formations, local identity construction, administrative decentralization or migration have shaken the standing of the state and the nation-state as appropriate units of analysis. This is especially the case when addressing major questions about regime types and change in the region.