Suchergebnisse

Svrha ovog rada je analizirati strukturalne i produktivne promjene zemalja srednje i istočne Europe (CEE). Razdoblje istraživanja obuhvaća godine nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji, od 2004. do 2018. godine. Ova studija želi odgovoriti na sljedeće pitanje: Koji su učinci rezultat integracije s Europskom unijom u području produktivnosti? Analiza pokriva dvije glavne kategorije rasta produktivnosti rada: čisti rast produktivnosti rada i strukturalni rast produktivnosti rada. Nadalje, ispituju se čimbenici koji mogu utjecati na čiste i strukturne promjene produktivnosti. Glavne metode istraživanja primijenjene u ovom radu su analiza pomaka udjela i metode panel podataka. Analiza pokazuje da su se u promatranom razdoblju sve zemlje središnje i istočne Europe poboljšale i u smislu čiste i strukturalne produktivnosti. Međutim, utjecaj čiste produktivnosti rada bio je znatno manji od utjecaja strukturalne produktivnosti rada; to znači da se glavna promjena na razini produktivnosti više može pripisati promjenama u zapošljavanju između sektora, nego li modernizaciji tehnoloških procesa. Produktivnost se povećala u svim sektorima, ali najznačajniji rast dogodio se u uslužnim sektorima, posebno u financijskim i osiguravajućim djelatnostima i nekretninama. Istodobno, smanjila se zaposlenost u manje produktivnim sektorima, poput poljoprivrede, šumarstva i ribarstva. Nadalje, rezultati analize panel podataka potvrđuju značajan utjecaj procijenjenih faktora na čisti i strukturalni rast produktivnosti. Stoga, ukupna promjena produktivnosti na području Srednje i Istočne Europe može imati pozitivan utjecaj na oba oblika rasta produktivnosti. I strukturalni i čisti rast produktivnosti potiču ulaganje u istraživanje i razvoj, uvoz roba informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT) i otvorenost trgovine. Nadalje, ovo istraživanje potvrđuje pozitivan utjecaj koje ima povećanje ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj poslovnih poduzeća i porast broja istraživača na omjer radne snage na produktivnost sektora, iako postoje bitne razlike između sektora. Ovo istraživanje mogu koristiti vladine agencije u izradi politika industrijskog razvoja. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyse the structural and productivity changes of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. The research period covers the years following accession into the European Union, from 2004 until 2018. This study aims to answer the following question: What effects have resulted from the integration with the European Union in terms of the sphere of productivity? The analysis covers two main categories of labour productivity growth: pure labour productivity growth and structural labour productivity growth. Moreover, factors that may affect both pure and structural productivity changes are examined. The main research techniques are shift-share analysis and panel data methods. The analysis shows that all the CEE countries in the studied period improved in terms of both pure and structural productivity. The impact of pure labour productivity, however, was much smaller than that of structural labour productivity; this means that the main change in productivity level was more attributable to changes in employment between sectors than to the modernisation of technological processes. Productivity increased in all sectors, but the most significant growth occurred in service sectors, specifically in financial and insurance activities and real estate activities. Simultaneously, employment decreased in less productive sectors, such as agriculture, forestry, and fishing. Furthermore, the results of the panel data analysis confirm a significant impact of the evaluated factors on pure and structural productivity growth. Thus, aggregate productivity change in the CEE area can have a positive impact on both forms of productivity growth. Both structural and pure productivity growth are stimulated by research and development expenditures, information and communication technology (ICT) goods imports, and trade openness. Moreover, this research confirms the positive impacts of business enterprise research and development expenditure growth and an increase in the number of researchers to the workforce ratio on sector productivity, although there are substantial differences between sectors. This research can be used by government agencies in establishing industrial development policies.

Autor polemizira s nekoć utjecajnim teorijama transformacije – najistaknutiji predstavnici kojih su Jon Elster i Claus Off e – koje su se temeljile na teoremu o tome kako je nemoguća istodobna uspješna privredna i politička – a negdje i državna – transformacija u Istočnoj Europi. Suprotno tim teorijama, u većini postkomunističkih država Istočne Europe demokracija se konsolidirala brzo. Tu postavku autor dokazuje mjereći konsolidiranost novih demokracija Bertelsmannovim indeksom transformacije (BTI) na četiri razine: na ustavnoj i predstavničkoj razini, te na razinama ponašanja aktera i političke kulture. Promašaje u analizi transformacijskih procesa pripisuje teorijama djelovanja koje su "tranzicijsku paradigmu" iz Južne Europe i Latinske Amerike naprosto presadile u Istočnu Europu. Teorije aktera su, pak, nastojale krajnje kompleksne promjene sustava u toj regiji izvesti iz vrlo formaliziranih i pojednostavnjenih konstelacija aktera, zanemarujući vrlo različite demokratizacijske potencijale pojedinih zemalja. U "teorijskom mraku" tako su ostale tri varijable – modernost, državnost i vanjski akteri – koje teorije modernizacije, teorije sustava i strukturalističke teorije stavljaju u središte svojih razmatranja, a koje su se pokazale iznimno važnima za razumijevanje transformacijskih procesa u Istočnoj Europi. ; The author polemises with once infl uential theories of transformation – whose greats are Jon Elster and Claus Off e – which were based on the theorem that a simultaneous successful economic and political – and, somewhere, state – transformation in Eastern Europe is not possible. Contrary to these theories, in most post-communist countries of Eastern Europe democracy has consolidated rather quickly. The author demonstrates this proposition by measuring the consolidation of new democracies according to Bertelsmann's transformation index (BTI) at four levels: the constitutional and representative level, and the levels of behaviour of actors and political culture. Failures in the analysis of transformation ...

Politika ruralnog razvoja za svoj glavni cilj ima poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi koji žive u ruralnim područjima. Ulaskom u Europsku uniju, sve zemlje dobivaju mogućnost korištenja sredstava koje EPFRR (Europskog poljoprivrednog fonda za ruralni razvoj). Cilj ovog rada je prikazati iskoristivost EPFRR-a za zemlje srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine. Sam cilj EFRR je smanjiti gospodarske razlike između regije kroz razvoj poljoprivrede. Mjere EPFRR odnose se na investiranje u poljoprivredne aktivnosti, potpore slabije razvijenim područjima, u ljudske resurse, zaštitu okoliša i slično. A te mjere još su upotpunjene mjerama za šumarstvo, te mjerama promocije razvoja ruralnih područja. To je napravljeno kroz analizu dokumenata Europske unije, ponajviše ključnih odluka i planova. U radu su dati primjeri na zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, s detaljnijim pregledom iskoristivosti EPFRR u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao i Estoniji, Rumunjskoj i Poljskoj. Kroz komparativnu analizu odabranih zemalja Europske unije prikazuju se korištena sredstava EPFRR-a te i prikaz same poljoprivrede tih zemalja i njihovo pozicioniranje u Europskoj uniji. ; Rural development as its main objective has to improve the living standards of people living in rural areas. By joining the European Union, all countries, together with Croatia, get the opportunity to use the funds that are offered. One of the options which got available is the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The aim of this pape is to demonstrate the usefulness of EAFRD for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 2014 to 2020. The Fund's goal is to reduce economic disparities between the regions through agricultural development. The EAFRD measures themselves relate to investment in agricultural activities, support for less developed areas, human resources, environmental protection and the like. And these measures are further complemented by measures for forestry, and measures to promote the development of rural ...

Politika ruralnog razvoja za svoj glavni cilj ima poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi koji žive u ruralnim područjima. Ulaskom u Europsku uniju, sve zemlje dobivaju mogućnost korištenja sredstava koje EPFRR (Europskog poljoprivrednog fonda za ruralni razvoj). Cilj ovog rada je prikazati iskoristivost EPFRR-a za zemlje srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine. Sam cilj EFRR je smanjiti gospodarske razlike između regije kroz razvoj poljoprivrede. Mjere EPFRR odnose se na investiranje u poljoprivredne aktivnosti, potpore slabije razvijenim područjima, u ljudske resurse, zaštitu okoliša i slično. A te mjere još su upotpunjene mjerama za šumarstvo, te mjerama promocije razvoja ruralnih područja. To je napravljeno kroz analizu dokumenata Europske unije, ponajviše ključnih odluka i planova. U radu su dati primjeri na zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, s detaljnijim pregledom iskoristivosti EPFRR u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao i Estoniji, Rumunjskoj i Poljskoj. Kroz komparativnu analizu odabranih zemalja Europske unije prikazuju se korištena sredstava EPFRR-a te i prikaz same poljoprivrede tih zemalja i njihovo pozicioniranje u Europskoj uniji. ; Rural development as its main objective has to improve the living standards of people living in rural areas. By joining the European Union, all countries, together with Croatia, get the opportunity to use the funds that are offered. One of the options which got available is the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The aim of this pape is to demonstrate the usefulness of EAFRD for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 2014 to 2020. The Fund's goal is to reduce economic disparities between the regions through agricultural development. The EAFRD measures themselves relate to investment in agricultural activities, support for less developed areas, human resources, environmental protection and the like. And these measures are further complemented by measures for forestry, and measures to promote the development of rural areas. This will be done through an analysis of EU documents, highlighting key decisions and plans. Furthermore, this document will attempt to provide a comparative analysis of the researched countries of the European Union, which is an analysis of how much EAFRD is used and how this has affected the development of their rural economic sector, with a more detailed overview of the use of the EAFRD in the Republic of Croatia, as well as Estonia, Romania and Poland.Through a comparative analysis of selected countries of the European Union, the used EAFRD funds are presented, as well as an overview of the agriculture of those countries and their positioning in the European Union.

Evropske države so se povezale v EU na podlagi nekaterih skupnih temeljnih vrednot med katerima vidno mesto zavzemata demokracija in pravna država. S tem v zvezi sta medijsko zelo izpostavljeni Madžarska in Poljska, ki sta v zadnjem času sprejeli vrsto zakonov, ki nasprotujejo evropskim temeljem. Gradita neliberalno demokracijo, saj naj bi bila po njunem mnenju liberalna preživeta. EU pa pri varovanju svojih vrednot za enkrat ni najbolj uspešna, zato se v nalogi sprašujem, kaj vse bi EU morala postoriti, da bi se države vrnile v evropske okvirje. Pri tem pa ne zagovarjam niti ostrih posegov v posamezno državo, niti ne visokih denarnih sankcij. Skozi nalogo ves čas opozarjam, da je potrebno nasloviti problem pri njegovih vzrokih ter da je nujno, da se med vsemi vpletenimi stranmi vzpostavi dialog ter da se skupaj poišče rešitev in skupno pot naprej. ; European countries have connected into the EU on the grounds of common fundamental values, most notably democracy and the rule of law. In regard to the latter two values, Hungary and Poland attract the most media coverage, as they have in the recent time changed a few laws that contradict the European foundations. In their own words, they are building an illiberal democracy, as they believe that the liberal one is outdated. EU is at present not very successful at protecting its values ; this is why I am wandering in this article what does the EU has to do in order to bring the country back into the European frame. I am not in favour of either any intervention into the country neither am I in favour of the high financial sanctions. Through this piece I am continuously arguing that the problem needs to be addressed at its roots and that all the actors involved need to run a dialogue to find a suitable solution together for a united path forward.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

Abstract. Nativism does not only present a concept,
but also an ideological framework as well as a political practice related to identity politics. In the article we
firstly present the theoretical reflection of nativism and
operationalise the most important terms and characteristics of this phenomenon. Later, we apply the concept of nativism to the analysis of conservative populist
and/or nativist political actors in the Central European
region. The analysis shows how nativism, as a relatively
peripheral issue in the first 10–15 years after the democratic transition, became stronger in the next period
characterised by a set of crises after 2008. The analysis
demonstrates how the mainstream parties in Central
Europe adopted the nativist and conservative populist
agenda and implemented it into mainstream politics.
Furthermore, the analysis shows how Central European
nativism correlates with the long-term existence of antiliberal streams that were revitalised after the fall of
Communist regimes. These anti-modern societal groups
were reformulated as the counter-cosmopolitan camp
within the polarisation process that is clearly visible in
the political arena.
Keywords: nativism; national conservatism; identity
politics; Central Europe