Suchergebnisse

The events taking place in Central and Eastern Europe (primarily in Ukraine and Latvia) indicate a serious problem facing believers in these States, and are also a signi cant challenge to the adopted approach regarding the right to autonomy of religious associations, a ecting and having signi cance for the entire European continent. Currently, the state authorities of Ukraine and Latvia are taking measures aimed at signi cantly limiting the activities of religious associations that have historically been in churchcanonical connection with the Russian Orthodox Church. It seems that the actions of the State authorities of these countries can be characterized as excessive interference in the autonomy of religious organizations guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia, as well as the European Convention on Human Rights. Meanwhile, the ECHR has formed a stable practice defending the right to autonomy of religious associations in the states of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as guaranteeing protection from unjusti ed state interference in the internal a airs of the church. In this article, the author attempts not only to analyze the precedents already considered in the practice of the ECHR, but also to predict a possible Court decision regarding the actions of state authorities of Ukraine and Latvia on the way from politics to law

An important element in current historical research is the analysis of diplomatic relations focusing on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They show the history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, its internal and foreign policy from a different historical perspective. In 1700, the Great Northern War broke out and changed the political power system in Central and Eastern Europe for the next decades. Diplomats from foreign courts were interested in this war, including Philippe Plantamour, secretary of the British embassy in Berlin. He sent his reports to the British Isles in which he posted information on warfare in Livonia. The aim of the article will be to analyze diplomatic reports that can help us answer the question of how the Great Northern War was seen in London. The method used is a critical analysis of the manuscript. The research will explain what information was included in Philippe Plantamours reports and whether they were true.

The article presents the experience of revealing N. Fedorov's philosophical system through an appeal to the theme and image of Easter. It is shown that for Fedorov Easter is the Central category of the philosophy of active Christianity and at the same time a symbol of fundamentally new choice of civilization. The connection between Fedorov's anthropology, ontology, and ethics and the Easter dogma is revealed. The lines of Fedorov's criticism of the anti-Paschal consciousness and the anti-Paschal vector of the world that has lost faith in the reality of the Resurrection of Christ are considered. It is emphasized that appealing to the Paschal dogma, according to which Christ rose in the fullness of two natures (divine and human), Fedorov brings the idea of divine-human synergy to the eschatological plan, extending it to the promise of the resurrection of all the dead. The symbolism of the Easter service Fedorov considers as the origin to such concepts as «extra-temple Liturgy» and «extra-temple Easter» It is shown that the category of paschality in Fedorov's philosophy correlates with the literary and philosophical tradition and simultaneously sets an active and projective understanding of Easter, which influenced the development of the resurrection theme in literature and philosophical thought in the last quarter of the XIX–XX centuries (F.М. Dostoevsky, V. Solovyov, S. Bulgakov, V.V. Mayakovsky, A. Platonov, B. Pasternak, et al).

The article is devoted to the relations of Russia with the regional association Central American Integration System (Spanish: SICA). The features of formation and development of Russia's integration policy in SICA are briefly revealed. The positive dynamics of this process is traced. The most promising areas for the future cooperation are identified.

Китайская Народная Республика в последнее время демонстрирует высокие темпы экономического развития, что влияет на положение КНР на международной арене и появление возможностей для продвижения своих собственных геостратегических интересов в различных регионах мира. Наглядным примером этому является сформулированная в 2013 году инициатива «Пояс и путь», которая с точки зрения своих масштабов и вовлеченности других государств может стать лидером среди подобных интеграционных проектов. Анализируя «географию» инициативы и цели, который преследует Китай при реализации данного проекта, можно сделать вывод о том, что «Пояс и путь» позволит Пекину внести существенные изменения в расстановку сил в европейском и азиатском континентах.
В статье исследуется основное содержание проекта «Пояс и путь», направления его реализации и задачи, поставленные китайским руководством в рамках проекта. Также в статье анализируются роль Центральноазиатского региона в обеспечении бесперебойных поставок углеводородов на территорию Китая в рамках обеспечения энергетической безопасности КНР. После распада Советского союза Центральная Азия, обладающая большими объемами запасов нефти и газа и стратегически важным географическим положением, превратилась в регион, привлекающий крупнейших международных акторов.

Taking into account the rapidly developing sphere of ICT and its importance, it seems relevant to consider the role and features of the practical use of information and communication technologies in the activities of the Central Asian foreign ministries. The article emphasizes that the use of such an important tool as ICT in the work of the ministries of foreign affairs of Central Asia countries is not developed enough, although, there is a positive trend.

The article discusses the interest of young people in Eastern religions, non-traditional and esoteric teachings, considered in a comparative analysis to what extent the worldview position of young people with non-traditional religiosity can influence the direction of their social orientations and attitude to the world around them. The focus of the article is youth (Muscovites and visitors). Youth as a social group, due to their age characteristics, is the most susceptible to the influence of
non-traditional practices and religions, therefore, of particular interest is the study of the influence of non-traditional views on the consciousness of this particular age group. In the context of increasing migration flows to the metropolis (migrants from neighboring countries and migrants from other regions of the Russian Federation), young people among visitors cannot be ignored.

The characteristics of mineral composition and features of metasomatic rocks of gold ore deposits of the Auminzatau mountains in the Central Kyzylkum are identified. The corresponding stages of ore mineralization are associated with certain types of metasomatites, which are their typomorphic features and reflect the features of the evolution of the stages and stages of a single mineral-forming system, which can be used as search criteria.

For the most part, electoral and party research today is centered on the behavior of voters in two or four major clusters that can be conventionally placed on a scale from left to right. On the same scale, there are smaller groups whose value of separation is often questioned. This paper focuses on one of these groups: we consider a segment of voters united on the basis of their support for right-wing liberal parties and try to identify the most significant determinants of their choice. Based on the existing concepts of voting and data from the European Social Survey, 2016–2018, we generalize possible predictors – party and political selfidentification, ideological stances, social setting and material status – up to three theories ('ideological core', 'defectors' and 'winners'), and test their plausibility using regression tools. Modeling results show that for a number of parameters the separation of new subgroup is justified. First, we reject the hypothesis of a strategic non-voting for right-liberals (on the contrary, respondents often "strategically" vote for them rather than for some personally closer party). Second, we find similar characteristics of the voter profile in different European countries; in particular, people who share the values of non-interference (associated with opposition to income redistribution and cultural restrictions) are more inclined to electorally back the liberal right. On the other hand, for a complete picture it is not enough to indicate ideological or cleavage preferences: the fact of voting is strongly influenced by person's socio-economic background, confirming the earlier remarks about certain "privileges" in this electoral segment.

Modern political leverage from western countries to Russia allows researchers to use domestic historical experience of 1920-1940s. International isolation of Soviet Russia induced the search of different ways out, including making concessionary agreements with foreign entrepreneurs. Since 1921 concessionary agreements were made between Soviet Russia/USSR and Germany, England, USA, Japan, Norway, Poland, Austria, Italy, France, Persia, Denmark, Finland, Latvia, Holland, Sweden, Estonia, Lithuania, Turkey, China and Mongolia. Soviet economy began attracting private foreign capital.

At the end of the 1920s Soviet government set a course to liquidate private property. Share of concessionary enterprises in the national economy decreased. But despite the absence of any new concessionary agreements since 1929, concessionary affairs in USSR lasted till mid-1940 and only with Japan because of its deep political meaning.

The author analyzes Japan concessions' activity, such as "Kita Karafuto Koogio Kabusiki Kaisha" and "Kita Karafuto Sekio Kabusiki Kaisha" in 1930-1940s (pre- and World War II period), workers' socio-economic conditions, relations between Japanese concessioners and Soviet authorities. Permanent infringements of concessionary agreements by Japan concessioners including concessions workers' food and goods supply, price making, Soviet workers' housing provision and dismissal, meeting safety requirements were registered. However, neither Japan concessioners dissolve their enterprises nor Soviet authorities annulled concessionary agreements. The author concludes that originally in 1925 granting concessions to Japan businessmen in USSR was among the conditions of Japan government diplomatic recognition of USSR. Further Japan concessions in USSR were deterrent factor from Japan military invasion to the Russian Far East.