Suchergebnisse

In the article the issues of economic growth of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) at the regional level during 2008-2016 are raised with special attention to the conditions resulting from the global financial crisis. The text of the article is divided into introduction, main part consisting of three parts and conclusions. The introduction contains the purpose and scope of study described in the article. The first part presents the regional structure of CEE; in the second part the results of growth dynamics analysis of the individual CEE countries national and regional economies on EU background are presented; in the third part the results of analysis of the onvergence/divergence process across NUTS regions are presented. 2. The article ends with general conclusions about the impact of the global crisis on regional development, which can be used to improve regional policy.

This study aims to estimate the impact of three fiscal instruments (direct tax revenue, indirect tax revenue and government consumption expenditure) on the economic growth of ten new European Union member states from Central and Eastern Europe– Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. We examine the hypothesis about the effect of expansionary fiscal policy on economic growth. The study employs a vector autoregression and annual Eurostat data for the period 2007–2019. Four control variables (the shares of gross capital formation, household consumption, exports in GDP, and the economic growth in the euro area) are included in the model to account for the influence of non-fiscal factors on economic growth. The empirical results indicate that the real output growth rate in the ten new member states of the European Union is negatively affected by direct tax revenue, while economic growth in the euro area, exports and gross capital formation are positively related to economic growth. The results also imply that government consumption and indirect tax revenue have no significant impact on the growth rate of real output of the ten studied countries from Central and Eastern Europe. It may be inferred that policymakers in the new European Union member states can raise economic growth by encouraging exports and investment and by lowering the share of direct tax revenue in GDP. From the three analyzed fiscal instruments (direct taxes, indirect taxes and government consumption expenditure), only one has proven to be effective in the case of the new member countries.For citationStoilova D., Todorov I. Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe. Journal of Tax Reform. 2021;7(2):146–159. https://doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095 Article infoReceived February 9, 2021; Revised May 2, 2021; Accepted July 20, 2021 ; Целью исследования является оценка влияния трех финансовых инструментов (прямых налогов, косвенных налогов и расходов на потребление органов государственного управления) на экономический рост в десяти новых государствах-членах Европейского Союза из Центральной и Восточной Европы– Болгарии, Чехии, Эстонии, Венгрии, Латвии, Литвы, Польши, Румынии, Словакии и Словении. Тестируется гипотеза о влиянии стимулирующей налогово-бюджетной политики на экономический рост. В исследовании используется метод векторной авторегрессии и ежегодные данные Евростата за период 2007–2019 гг. Для учета влияния на экономический рост нефискальных факторов в модель включены четыре контрольные переменные (доля валового накопления капитала, потребление домашних хозяйств, экспорт в ВВП и экономический рост в зоне евро). Эмпирические результаты показывают, что на темпы роста реального производства в десяти новых государствах-членах Европейского Союза отрицательно влияют поступления от прямых налогов, в то время как экономический рост в зоне евро, экспорт и валовое накопление капитала положительно связаны с экономическим ростом. Результаты также означают, что потребление органов государственного управления и поступление косвенных налогов не оказывают значительного влияния на темпы роста реального производства в десяти изученных странах Центральной и Восточной Европы. Можно сделать вывод, что политики в новых государствах-членах Европейского Союза могут повысить экономический рост за счет поощрения экспорта и инвестиций, а также снижения доли прямых налогов в ВВП. Из трех проанализированных финансовых инструментов (прямые налоги, косвенные налоги и потребление органов государственного управления) эффективным оказался только один.Для цитированияStoilova D., Todorov I. Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe. Journal of Tax Reform. 2021;7(2):146–159. https://doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095 Информация о статье Дата поступления 9 февраля 2021 г.; дата поступления после рецензирования 2 мая 2021 г.; дата принятия к печати 20 июля 2021 г.

The article discusses the issues and modern trends of the regional policy implementation in countries of European Community (EC); the research is focused on one of the pressing directions suggested by the European Commission to increase competitiveness of EU in the global world – research and innovation; the estimate of the state and outlook of R&D in the regional section in countries of Central and Eastern Europe is given; comparative analysis is carried out; conclusions are drawn and recommendations are made. ; В статье обсуждаются проблемы и современные тенденции реализации региональной политики в странах Европейского союза (ЕС); исследование акцентировано на одном из актуальных направлений деятельности, предложенных Европейской комиссией для повышения конкурентоспособности ЕС в глобальном мире – исследования и инновации; дана оценка состояния и перспектив развития сферы НИОКР в региональном разрезе в странах Центральной и Восточной Европы; выполнен сравнительный анализ; сделаны выводы и рекомендации.

The problems of relations between church and state are covered. The opinions of historians, religious studies scholars, public figures are given. The attention to the XX century significant events which had essential influence on the religions' position in Central and Eastern Europe countries is paid: the creation of the European Union, the fall of the Berlin wall, the dissolution of the USSR. The general peculiarities of the relations between state and church during this period for the countries of this region (The Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and others) are analyzed. The main tendencies of such relations development are characterized: establishment of the state church model and separation of church from the state. The attention is paid to the fact that there is no full agreement in understanding the term «separation of church from the state» among experts. It is emphasized that such law, public and cultural situation in which the state has nothing in common with church does not take place in any Western Europe country. The separation means that the state does not identify itself with one of religions or churches and both institutes respect an autonomy of each other in spheres belonging to them. The relevance of the research of the questions connected with law regulation for the religious organizations activity in Central and Eastern Europe countries is grounded for optimization of the relations between state and confessions in Ukraine ; Рассматриваются вопросы взаимоотношений Церкви и государства. Приводятся мнения историков, религиоведов, общественных деятелей. Уделяется внимание знаменательным событиям ХХ века, оказавшим существенное влияние на положение религий в странах Центрально-Восточной Европы: созданию Европейского Союза, падению Берлинской стены, распаду СССР. Проанализированы общие для стран этого региона (Чехии, Словакии, Венгрии и других) особенности государственно-церковных отношений в этот период. Характеризуются основные тенденции развития таких отношений: установление модели государственной церкви и отделение церкви от государства. Обращается внимание на то, что среди специалистов нет полного согласия в понимании термина «отделение Церкви от государства». Подчеркивается, что ни в одной из стран Западной Европы не имеет места такая правовая и общественно-культурная ситуация, в которой государство не имеет с Церковью ничего общего. Отделение означает, что государство не отождествляет себя ни с одной из религий или церквей и оба института уважают автономию друг друга в принадлежащих им сферах. Обосновывается актуальность исследования вопросов, связанных с правовым регулированием деятельности религиозных организаций в странах Центрально-Восточной Европы, для оптимизации государственно-конфессиональных отношений в Украине

Po raz pierwszy rosyjski pomysł zawarcia Traktatu o bezpieczeństwie europejskim został ogłoszony podczas Petersburskiego Forum Ekonomicznym (czerwiec 2008). Chociaż projekt traktatu nie ma wielkich szans na zrealizowanie, wydaje się, że władzom rosyjskim chodzi raczej o zintensyfikowanie rozpoczętej debaty międzynarodowej w kwestii bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Taka dyskusja może przyczynić się do poprawy ogólnego klimatu zaufania i zrozumienia. Kluczową rolę w tym procesie może odegrać dialog między Rosją i Unią Europejską. ; Russia's intention to sign the European Security Treaty was first announced at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (in June 2008). Although the draft of the Treaty is unlikely to be implemented, the Russian authorities appear to intend to intensify the international debate on the issue of European security. Such a debate might contribute to an improved atmosphere of general trust and understanding. The dialogue between Russia and the European Union may be of crucial importance for this process.

Russia's intention to sign the European Security Treaty was first announced at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (in June 2008). Although the draft of the Treaty is unlikely to be implemented, the Russian authorities appear to intend to intensify the international debate on the issue of European security. Such a debate might contribute to an improved atmosphere of general trust and understanding. The dialogue between Russia and the European Union may be of crucial importance for this process. ; Po raz pierwszy rosyjski pomysł zawarcia Traktatu o bezpieczeństwie europejskim został ogłoszony podczas Petersburskiego Forum Ekonomicznym (czerwiec 2008). Chociaż projekt traktatu nie ma wielkich szans na zrealizowanie, wydaje się, że władzom rosyjskim chodzi raczej o zintensyfikowanie rozpoczętej debaty międzynarodowej w kwestii bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Taka dyskusja może przyczynić się do poprawy ogólnego klimatu zaufania i zrozumienia. Kluczową rolę w tym procesie może odegrać dialog między Rosją i Unią Europejską ; Po raz pierwszy rosyjski pomysł zawarcia Traktatu o bezpieczeństwie europejskim został ogłoszony podczas Petersburskiego Forum Ekonomicznym (czerwiec 2008). Chociaż projekt traktatu nie ma wielkich szans na zrealizowanie, wydaje się, że władzom rosyjskim chodzi raczej o zintensyfikowanie rozpoczętej debaty międzynarodowej w kwestii bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Taka dyskusja może przyczynić się do poprawy ogólnego klimatu zaufania i zrozumienia. Kluczową rolę w tym procesie może odegrać dialog między Rosją i Unią Europejską

In the article, the authors trace the formation and evolution of Poland's "multilayered" state policy in the field of regional security and ensuring national interests. Poland is a consistent supporter of NATO and the EU; however, Poland's Eastern European Policy is in competition with the Brussels plans for reformatting Central and Eastern Europe. The article analyzes the peculiarities of Polish Eastern European Policy, their historical origins.Keywords: The European Union, the European Neighborhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership, Central Eastern Europe, the eastern policy of Poland, the concept of O. Khaletsky, the geopolitical concept of E. Heydroits, the Polish draft of the Intermarie Pact, the new eastern bloc. ; В статье авторы стремятся проследить формирование и эволюцию «многослойной» государственной политики Польши в области региональной безопасности и обеспечения национальных интересов. Польша является последовательным сторонником НАТО и ЕС, тем не менее ее восточная политика находится в конкуренции с брюссельскими планами переформатирования Центрально-Восточной Европы. В статье анализируются особенности польской восточной политики, их историческое происхождение.Ключевые слова: Европейский союз, Европейская политика соседства, Восточное партнерство, Центрально-Восточная Европа, восточная политика Польши, концепт О. Халецкого, геополитическая концепция Е. Гейдройца, польский проект пакта «Междуморье», «Новый Восточный блок».

The object of the master's work is to rethink and reevaluate the totalitarian past on the example of the attitude to its heritage in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The purpose of the work is to analyze and evaluate the ways of rethinking and the methods of assimilation of totalitarian ideological heritage in the post-Soviet countries of Central and Eastern Europe (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia). Understand their experience in this area, which may be useful for Ukraine. The main tasks of the work: to analyze the phenomenon of Soviet monumental propaganda, the ideas embedded in it, popular replicated ideological plots in order to understand and define this phenomenon; explore the monument as an instrument of the politics of memory and a marker of public space in order to understand its features and functions; outline the features of the search for identity and the establishment of a memory policy, as well as the memory war of the post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia) in relation to the Soviet past; consider the course, range, logic and features of the overthrow of Soviet monuments at the beginning of 1990s in Central - Eastern Europe in order to understand how the attitude towards Soviet monuments has changed, what explains such changes, what are the consequences of these changes; to conduct a comparative analysis of the forms of development of relics of Soviet monumental propaganda in the museum environment using the example of theme parks of Soviet ideological art Muzeon (Russia), Memento (Hungary) and Grutas park (Lithuania) in order to understand how the methods of development and memory policy of these countries differ to the Soviet past; to study the phenomenon of Leninfall, its political and ideological context, which led to the decommunization laws in Ukraine in order to understand why the attitude to the Soviet heritage has changed; to describe the artistic practices perception of Leninfall in order to understand how both representatives of creative professions and the audience react to it consumers; summarize the debate about the present and future of Soviet monumental propaganda in Ukraine in order to determine its place in the history of the country; examine the influence of Leninfall on its attitude to the Soviet totalitarian heritage in Lithuania, Belarus, and Russia. Using a retrospective, historical - comparative, chronological method, also the systematization and generalization method, it was possible to conclude that Soviet monumental propaganda created a pantheon of the leader and heroes, which were circulated throughout the USSR. Monuments became symbols of the Soviet Union and in some countries survived it for decades. Monuments symbolize Soviet power, and the territory on which they stand is part of the "Russian world". After gaining independence, with few exceptions, only Western Ukraine got rid of Soviet ideological monuments. Due to the transition period and the formation of the economy, the ideological functions of Soviet monuments were scored. But at the time of the country's reorientation of values, the monuments turned out to be alien, moreover, they became the symbols of another country that was trying to reintegrate the post-Soviet space on the basis of the imperial project called "Great Russia." The search for the identity of an independent country was largely based on its opposition to the USSR. In Lithuania, it was possible to determine a consistent negative assessment of the Soviet, Russia altogether included the Soviet in its historical narrative, while Belarus was unable to critically look at the Soviet past. For many years in Ukraine, Ukrainian and Soviet identities coexisted, which are mutually exclusive. The situation changed during the Euromaidan, when Ukraine finally decided on the European vector. Political and value changes in the countries of Central - Eastern Europe resulted in the dismantling of ideological monuments, symbols of foreign power. The situation was not always solved using dismantling, sometimes the monuments were transferred, names changed, etc. thus they no longer performed their ideological functions. At that time, the understanding of this layer of heritage began, the understanding that dismantling without explanation or discussion is the Soviet method of unifying memory. The museum form of assimilation of the totalitarian heritage allows to physically preserve the monument, for subsequent study and use. Such monuments can be used for educational and enlightening purposes. The choice of the pro-European vector of the country's development and the desire to create own Ukrainian historical narrative stimulated Leninfall as a process of cleaning the symbolic space of the country. The artistic practices of comprehending Leninfall begin a discussion about the significance of Soviet monumental sculpture, about who will replace Lenin and whether it is worth continuing this practice. Ideological sculpture has prospects for being used in tourism and museum activities. Nevertheless, the main problem of this heritage lies in its interpretation, the criteria of which should be developed. The Leninfall influenced the perception of the Soviet ideological heritage in neighboring countries for Lithuania, it became an opportunity to look at the unresolved situations from the 1990s, Belarus shows an example when monuments are removed from the center or completely removed, which indicates a reassessment of the past. Against the background of the authorities of the country that protects and values the Soviet heritage. In Russia, despite several demolitions, and petitions for dismantling, new monuments to Lenin appear which indicates that the country has a pro-Soviet dominant narrative, but there are alternative views. The territory of the annexed Crimea shows distance from Ukraine, in the form of the dismantling of the monument to the hetman P. Konashevych-Sagaidachny, while in Ukraine there was Leninfall. And the appearance of monuments not only to Lenin, but also to figures of Russian history, may indicate a symbolic marking of the territory as Russian.

The object of the master's work is to rethink and reevaluate the totalitarian past on the example of the attitude to its heritage in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The purpose of the work is to analyze and evaluate the ways of rethinking and the methods of assimilation of totalitarian ideological heritage in the post-Soviet countries of Central and Eastern Europe (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia). Understand their experience in this area, which may be useful for Ukraine. The main tasks of the work: to analyze the phenomenon of Soviet monumental propaganda, the ideas embedded in it, popular replicated ideological plots in order to understand and define this phenomenon; explore the monument as an instrument of the politics of memory and a marker of public space in order to understand its features and functions; outline the features of the search for identity and the establishment of a memory policy, as well as the memory war of the post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia) in relation to the Soviet past; consider the course, range, logic and features of the overthrow of Soviet monuments at the beginning of 1990s in Central - Eastern Europe in order to understand how the attitude towards Soviet monuments has changed, what explains such changes, what are the consequences of these changes; to conduct a comparative analysis of the forms of development of relics of Soviet monumental propaganda in the museum environment using the example of theme parks of Soviet ideological art Muzeon (Russia), Memento (Hungary) and Grutas park (Lithuania) in order to understand how the methods of development and memory policy of these countries differ to the Soviet past; to study the phenomenon of Leninfall, its political and ideological context, which led to the decommunization laws in Ukraine in order to understand why the attitude to the Soviet heritage has changed; to describe the artistic practices perception of Leninfall in order to understand how both representatives of creative professions and the audience react to it consumers; summarize the debate about the present and future of Soviet monumental propaganda in Ukraine in order to determine its place in the history of the country; examine the influence of Leninfall on its attitude to the Soviet totalitarian heritage in Lithuania, Belarus, and Russia. Using a retrospective, historical - comparative, chronological method, also the systematization and generalization method, it was possible to conclude that Soviet monumental propaganda created a pantheon of the leader and heroes, which were circulated throughout the USSR. Monuments became symbols of the Soviet Union and in some countries survived it for decades. Monuments symbolize Soviet power, and the territory on which they stand is part of the "Russian world". After gaining independence, with few exceptions, only Western Ukraine got rid of Soviet ideological monuments. Due to the transition period and the formation of the economy, the ideological functions of Soviet monuments were scored. But at the time of the country's reorientation of values, the monuments turned out to be alien, moreover, they became the symbols of another country that was trying to reintegrate the post-Soviet space on the basis of the imperial project called "Great Russia." The search for the identity of an independent country was largely based on its opposition to the USSR. In Lithuania, it was possible to determine a consistent negative assessment of the Soviet, Russia altogether included the Soviet in its historical narrative, while Belarus was unable to critically look at the Soviet past. For many years in Ukraine, Ukrainian and Soviet identities coexisted, which are mutually exclusive. The situation changed during the Euromaidan, when Ukraine finally decided on the European vector. Political and value changes in the countries of Central - Eastern Europe resulted in the dismantling of ideological monuments, symbols of foreign power. The situation was not always solved using dismantling, sometimes the monuments were transferred, names changed, etc. thus they no longer performed their ideological functions. At that time, the understanding of this layer of heritage began, the understanding that dismantling without explanation or discussion is the Soviet method of unifying memory. The museum form of assimilation of the totalitarian heritage allows to physically preserve the monument, for subsequent study and use. Such monuments can be used for educational and enlightening purposes. The choice of the pro-European vector of the country's development and the desire to create own Ukrainian historical narrative stimulated Leninfall as a process of cleaning the symbolic space of the country. The artistic practices of comprehending Leninfall begin a discussion about the significance of Soviet monumental sculpture, about who will replace Lenin and whether it is worth continuing this practice. Ideological sculpture has prospects for being used in tourism and museum activities. Nevertheless, the main problem of this heritage lies in its interpretation, the criteria of which should be developed. The Leninfall influenced the perception of the Soviet ideological heritage in neighboring countries for Lithuania, it became an opportunity to look at the unresolved situations from the 1990s, Belarus shows an example when monuments are removed from the center or completely removed, which indicates a reassessment of the past. Against the background of the authorities of the country that protects and values the Soviet heritage. In Russia, despite several demolitions, and petitions for dismantling, new monuments to Lenin appear which indicates that the country has a pro-Soviet dominant narrative, but there are alternative views. The territory of the annexed Crimea shows distance from Ukraine, in the form of the dismantling of the monument to the hetman P. Konashevych-Sagaidachny, while in Ukraine there was Leninfall. And the appearance of monuments not only to Lenin, but also to figures of Russian history, may indicate a symbolic marking of the territory as Russian.

The object of this master thesis is contemporary museum communication and representation. The goal of the thesis – to study the features of communication and identify perspective approaches to representation in the activities of contemporary Jewish museums in Central and Eastern Europe by the case of the Jewish Museum Berlin and the Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow, as well as to develop recommendations for the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus. Main tasks of the thesis: to consider the essential characteristics of museum communication, its structure, the concept of strategies; to develop the author's methodology of contemporary museum communication strategies research for further study of selected cases; to conduct a methodological analysis of the case of the Jewish Museum Berlin; to conduct a methodological analysis of the case of the Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow; to reveal the problems of the development of Jewish heritage in Belarus in the context of the country's politics of memory; to identify perspective communication strategies and representation approaches for the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus. The usage of such methods as a theoretical analysis, description, case study, field observation, expert online interview, focus group, synthesis and generalization led to a conclusion that emerging in the 60s of the XX century, the theory of museum communication is actively developing during the 1960s – 1990s, radically transforming the face of the museum. It becomes a cultural institution in which its two most important functions harmoniously coexist – storage and communication. However, henceforth the emphasis in museum activity is placed on mutual dialogical relations with its visitor, which are realized through the museum exhibition. The development receives the museum exhibition designing, which has the goal of helping to uncover the meanings laid down in the exhibition, as well as sociological and psychological researches that help the museum to better understand its audiences. Museum communication, as a result, becomes one of the most important theoretical aspects of museology as an independent scientific discipline, determining the perspective of its evolution to this day. The variety of communication processes of the contemporary museum is a set of tools for the implementation of cultural communication, and the principles of their development are nothing else than strategies for the museum's communication processes designed to construct specific working methods. Understanding the specifics of the communication processes of the contemporary museum made it possible to develop on the basis of the communication model of H. D. Lasswell an author's methodology, which was subsequently used to analyze the cases of the Jewish Museum Berlin and the Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow. According to the results of the study, was determined the role of these museums as the agents of the historical and cultural policies of their states – Germany and Russia, acting as tools aimed at solving the urgent problems of a particular society. For Germany – overcoming the country's difficult national-socialist past, and for Russia – determining the problem of maintaining the unity of society in the ethnocultural diversity of a multinational state. Being aimed at such tasks, communication of both museums was physically expressed in costly but well-designed representational solutions, the specificity of which is in the need to conduct a dialogue with an audience that has low knowledge in the field of Jewish history and culture, as well as the complexity of the problematics of museums. Based on the conclusion about the significant role of state historical and cultural policies in the activities of the contemporary Jewish museum in Central and Eastern Europe, it was decided to conduct an in-depth analysis of the features of the politics of memory in Belarus, according to which it became known that in the context of the problematic processes of independence in Belarus, attention of the state turns to consolidation of the nation, which pushes into the background the need to preserve the memory of its ethnocultural communities. Thus, the preservation of the Jewish heritage of Belarus is an "external" problem in relation to the national discourse of the state, remaining on the periphery of its memory practices. These trends have a direct impact on the activities of the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus, forming a field of interconnected problems around it, which was identified through the study of the museum's case on the basis of the previously developed methodology. From the standpoint of identified problems in the development of the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus, as well as the results of the whole study, was made an attempt to identify perspective communication strategies and approaches to representations of the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus that are recommendatory by their nature.

The object of this master thesis is contemporary museum communication and representation. The goal of the thesis – to study the features of communication and identify perspective approaches to representation in the activities of contemporary Jewish museums in Central and Eastern Europe by the case of the Jewish Museum Berlin and the Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow, as well as to develop recommendations for the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus. Main tasks of the thesis: to consider the essential characteristics of museum communication, its structure, the concept of strategies; to develop the author's methodology of contemporary museum communication strategies research for further study of selected cases; to conduct a methodological analysis of the case of the Jewish Museum Berlin; to conduct a methodological analysis of the case of the Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow; to reveal the problems of the development of Jewish heritage in Belarus in the context of the country's politics of memory; to identify perspective communication strategies and representation approaches for the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus. The usage of such methods as a theoretical analysis, description, case study, field observation, expert online interview, focus group, synthesis and generalization led to a conclusion that emerging in the 60s of the XX century, the theory of museum communication is actively developing during the 1960s – 1990s, radically transforming the face of the museum. It becomes a cultural institution in which its two most important functions harmoniously coexist – storage and communication. However, henceforth the emphasis in museum activity is placed on mutual dialogical relations with its visitor, which are realized through the museum exhibition. The development receives the museum exhibition designing, which has the goal of helping to uncover the meanings laid down in the exhibition, as well as sociological and psychological researches that help the museum to better understand its audiences. Museum communication, as a result, becomes one of the most important theoretical aspects of museology as an independent scientific discipline, determining the perspective of its evolution to this day. The variety of communication processes of the contemporary museum is a set of tools for the implementation of cultural communication, and the principles of their development are nothing else than strategies for the museum's communication processes designed to construct specific working methods. Understanding the specifics of the communication processes of the contemporary museum made it possible to develop on the basis of the communication model of H. D. Lasswell an author's methodology, which was subsequently used to analyze the cases of the Jewish Museum Berlin and the Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow. According to the results of the study, was determined the role of these museums as the agents of the historical and cultural policies of their states – Germany and Russia, acting as tools aimed at solving the urgent problems of a particular society. For Germany – overcoming the country's difficult national-socialist past, and for Russia – determining the problem of maintaining the unity of society in the ethnocultural diversity of a multinational state. Being aimed at such tasks, communication of both museums was physically expressed in costly but well-designed representational solutions, the specificity of which is in the need to conduct a dialogue with an audience that has low knowledge in the field of Jewish history and culture, as well as the complexity of the problematics of museums. Based on the conclusion about the significant role of state historical and cultural policies in the activities of the contemporary Jewish museum in Central and Eastern Europe, it was decided to conduct an in-depth analysis of the features of the politics of memory in Belarus, according to which it became known that in the context of the problematic processes of independence in Belarus, attention of the state turns to consolidation of the nation, which pushes into the background the need to preserve the memory of its ethnocultural communities. Thus, the preservation of the Jewish heritage of Belarus is an "external" problem in relation to the national discourse of the state, remaining on the periphery of its memory practices. These trends have a direct impact on the activities of the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus, forming a field of interconnected problems around it, which was identified through the study of the museum's case on the basis of the previously developed methodology. From the standpoint of identified problems in the development of the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus, as well as the results of the whole study, was made an attempt to identify perspective communication strategies and approaches to representations of the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Belarus that are recommendatory by their nature.

Демографическое развитие и социально-демографические риски регионов и стран в условиях глобализации ; В данной статье речь идет о ключевых проблемах современных миграционных процессов в Республике Сербия: потоки беженцев и вынужденных мигрантов из стран Ближнего Востока и Северной Африки, возвращение сербов на родину в рамках соглашения о реадмиссии и связанные с этим трудности, а также отрицательное сальдо международной миграции. Помимо этого, приведена информация о миграционной политике республики, а также об отношении граждан страны к беженцам и вынужденным мигрантам на их территории = This article is about key issues of migration processes in Republic of Serbia: refugee and forced migrant flows from the countries of North Africa and Southwestern Asia, return of Serbians from the EU within readmission agreements and the related difficulties, and also negative net external migration. Additionally, there is also information about Serbian migration policy and particular position of Serbians on refugees and forced migrants

International audience ; This paper analyzes the policy of France towards Central and Eastern Europe in 1931–1934. We pay particular attention to the Soviet reaction to the French plans for the political and economic reorganization of Central Europe. This research challenges the conventional historiographic opinion, according to which the Little Entente States and Poland were the main French pillars in Central Europe not only in 1920s, but also in the first half of 1930s. Also, it brings fresh conclusions on how the Soviets perceived the plans to restructure Central Europe.We argue that Paris recognized the weakness of its military alliances with Poland and the Little Entente in the early 1930s. Thus, reacting to the 1931 German-Austrian project of a custom union, the French decided to strengthen their influence in Central Europe with the help of the Soviet Union (as well as Italy). First, Paris proposed Moscow to conclude a non-aggression pact. Second, the French diplomats initiated discussions on the project of the "Danube triangle" (Vienne-Budapest-Prague), which could constitute an anti-German alliance better accepted by the USSR (and Italy) than the Little Entente. However, the rapprochement between Paris and Moscow undergone few setbacks in 1932–1933. In the spring of 1932, the French Prime Minister, André Tardieu, projected to economically tie the Little Entente States with Hungary and Austria. The negative reactions of Rome and Moscow caused the failure of this project. In 1933, Paris supported Mussolini's attempt to create a "European Directory", composed of Britain, France, Italy and Germany. Excluded from this "club", Moscow strongly criticized Mussolini's project. Finally, the Four-Power Pact, also disapproved by the Little Entente and Poland, collapsed.By the mid-1933, Paris came back to the idea that not only Italy, but also the Soviet Union should play a more active role in Central Europe. On the one hand, Paris proposed Rome to deepen its relations with Austria, Hungary (that led to the Rome ...

В статье рассмотрены процессы изучения отдельных местностей и регионов Центрально-Восточной Европы в контексте личного опыта генеалогического исследования автора. На основе архивных материалов и воспоминаний родственников автору удалось реконструировать отдельные факты, персонифицировать множество имен предков, выявить род их занятий, степень участия в хозяйственной, социальной, военной жизни. ; The article discusses the processes of studying individual areas and regions of Central and Eastern Europe in the context of the author's personal experience of genealogical research. On the basis of archival materials and the memories of relatives, the author was able to reconstruct individual facts, personify many names of ancestors, identify their occupations, the degree of participation in economic, social, and military life.

International audience ; This paper analyzes the policy of France towards Central and Eastern Europe in 1931–1934. We pay particular attention to the Soviet reaction to the French plans for the political and economic reorganization of Central Europe. This research challenges the conventional historiographic opinion, according to which the Little Entente States and Poland were the main French pillars in Central Europe not only in 1920s, but also in the first half of 1930s. Also, it brings fresh conclusions on how the Soviets perceived the plans to restructure Central Europe.We argue that Paris recognized the weakness of its military alliances with Poland and the Little Entente in the early 1930s. Thus, reacting to the 1931 German-Austrian project of a custom union, the French decided to strengthen their influence in Central Europe with the help of the Soviet Union (as well as Italy). First, Paris proposed Moscow to conclude a non-aggression pact. Second, the French diplomats initiated discussions on the project of the "Danube triangle" (Vienne-Budapest-Prague), which could constitute an anti-German alliance better accepted by the USSR (and Italy) than the Little Entente. However, the rapprochement between Paris and Moscow undergone few setbacks in 1932–1933. In the spring of 1932, the French Prime Minister, André Tardieu, projected to economically tie the Little Entente States with Hungary and Austria. The negative reactions of Rome and Moscow caused the failure of this project. In 1933, Paris supported Mussolini's attempt to create a "European Directory", composed of Britain, France, Italy and Germany. Excluded from this "club", Moscow strongly criticized Mussolini's project. Finally, the Four-Power Pact, also disapproved by the Little Entente and Poland, collapsed.By the mid-1933, Paris came back to the idea that not only Italy, but also the Soviet Union should play a more active role in Central Europe. On the one hand, Paris proposed Rome to deepen its relations with Austria, Hungary (that led to the Rome Protocols in 1934) and Czechoslovakia. On the other hand, the French lobbied the restoration of diplomatic relations between the Soviets and the Little Entente States. In addition, at the beginning of 1934, Paris opened discussions for the establishment of a military alliance with Moscow, which would besides assume some obligations towards Warsaw and Prague. As a result of the active diplomacy of the French Foreign Minister, Louis Barthou, Paris and Moscow agreed on the principles of the Eastern Locarno Pact (which was partly realized in 1935). Moreover, France (together with Italy and Turkey), played an important role in the de-jure recognition of the USSR by some Central European States (Hungary, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Albania) and the Soviet admission to the League of Nations. ; Автор статьи анализирует политику Франции в начале 1930-х гг. в отношении государств Средней Европы, особое внимание уделяя советской реакции на французские планы реорганизации этого региона. Он приходит к выводу, что Париж, осознавая слабость своих военных союзов с Польшей и государ ствами Малой Антанты, стремился укрепить свое влияние в Средней Европе благодаря втягиванию в антигерманскую орбиту Италии и СССР, а также Авст рии и Венгрии. Наиболее амбициозный французский план реорганизации региона — дунайский проект Тардье 1932 г. — подразумевал укрепление связей Малой Антанты с Венгрией и Австрией. Получив негативную оценку в Берлине, Риме и Москве, этот проект реализован не был. В ответ Франция попыталась наладить региональное сотрудничество с великими державами. Так, в 1933 г. Париж поддержал (неудачную) попытку создания «европейской директории». В конце 1933 г. Кэ д´Орсэ предложил объединить в блок Малую Антанту, Польшу и СССР. В свою очередь Кремль, выступая против появления вдоль своих границ крупных блоков, выразил готовность активизировать свои связи только с государствами северной части Средней Европы. В 1934 г. эта линия легла в основу переговоров по Восточному пакту.