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Building on the definition of oppression developed by the philosopher Iris Young, the article argues that women in Europe are an oppressed group. Relying on recent statistics, it points out that a high percentage of women are still subject to gender violence; economically exploited and marginalized; powerless with regard to governance and participation in the public sphere, as well as victims of androcentrism—a pattern of cultural evaluation which seriously undermines women's potential for development. The article then shows how this state of affairs has worsened over the last years, under the effects of the financial and economic crisis, and the austerity policies with which the European states have responded. Finally, it singles out two possible future scenarios. If the current neo-liberal trends persist, we can expect a move towards societies more polarized in terms of class and ethnicity; low fertility rates; and an increasing poverty of those most in need of care and in charge of care provision. The crisis could instead be perceived as an opportunity to diverge from this prevailing neo-liberal model, calling for a new, inclusive, societal model of development—a new humanism which puts the person, in her whole complexity and in her very real care dependent nature, at the very core of the political and economic project.

European leaders were taken by surprise by the Ukraine crisis and Russia's response to the Eastern Partnership. They should not have been: all questions raised by the Ukraine crisis first emerged with the 2008 war in Georgia. European leaders appear not to have grasped the fundamentally different forms of integration that the EU and Russia have proposed–-and especially the fact that voluntary European integration in the Eastern Partnership effectively negates Russia's need for weak, authoritarian states to form part of its restored empire. In responding to the crisis, EU leaders face a challenge from Russia that is asymmetric: Russia uses direct threats to the sovereignty of the EU's eastern neighbours, especially through unresolved conflicts, matters the EU is ill-equipped to handle. Finding ways to remedy this gap will be an important task for the EU in the immediate future.

This study set out to empirically test the impact of fiscal policies and governance on human development (HD). In the context of this objective, this paper analyses the impacts of government expenditures and various indicators of governance on three indicators of HD for 19 Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) countries. Dynamic panel data analysis is employed, and random effect models, fixed effect model, and two-step generalised method of moments (GMM) estimation techniques are adopted. The results show that fiscal policy and governance play a significant role in HD among the COMESA countries. The results imply that in order to ensure HD, not only do the countries need to focus on economic conditions but also on the improvement of social conditions as well. However, to ensure effective implementation of fiscal policies, other policy interventions may also need to be integrated to achieve the necessary improvement in social indicators. In particular, strengthening governance can have a strong pay off for social indicators. Therefore, reducing corruption and increasing accountability for public spending are just as important as increasing spending.

Schütze, W. ; Saeter, M. ; Neumann, I. B. ; Bingen, J.: Political dimension of the new Europe. S. 15-39. (Sess.1). Paolini, J. ; Riste, O. ; Tunander, O. ; Brundtland, A. O.: European security policy. S. 41-62. (Sess.2). Tsoukalis, L. ; Melchior, A. ; Qvigstad, J. : Ponte Ferreira, M.: The economic prospects. S. 63-84. (Sess.3). Churchill, R. ; Andresen, S. ; Matlary, J. H. ; Bergesen, H. O. ; Skjaeseth, J. B. ; Moe, A. ; Wettestad, J.: The environmental challenges. S. 85-110. (Sess.4)

International audience ; BACKGROUND: Our objectives were to describe Human Papillomavirus vaccination coverage rates (HPV-VCR), policies, and practical steps for programme implementation that may be linked to high uptake in the population targeted by routine programmes across 30 European Union/European Economic Area Member States and Switzerland.METHODS: Information from institutional websites and from articles indexed in Medline between 01/2006 and 01/2017 was reviewed and extracted using a standardised form. In 12/2017, a cross-sectional survey was administered to national experts, in order to update the compiled information.RESULTS: Data were available in 31 countries, and validated by national experts in 28 of them. National vaccination programmes targeted girls 9-15 years of age in 30 countries and boys in 11 countries. HPV-VCR in girls was monitored in 25 countries: VCR was reported ≥71%(high) in ten countries, 51-70% in seven, 31-50% in four, and ≤30%(very low) in four. In high VCR countries, HPV vaccination was mainly delivered through school health services, and invitation and reminders to attend for vaccination were used. In areas with very low VCR, vaccination tended to be opportunistic and no reminders were used.CONCLUSION: According to our findings, school delivery within structured vaccination programmes and the use of reminders tended to be associated with highest HPV-VCR.

International audience ; BACKGROUND: Our objectives were to describe Human Papillomavirus vaccination coverage rates (HPV-VCR), policies, and practical steps for programme implementation that may be linked to high uptake in the population targeted by routine programmes across 30 European Union/European Economic Area Member States and Switzerland.METHODS: Information from institutional websites and from articles indexed in Medline between 01/2006 and 01/2017 was reviewed and extracted using a standardised form. In 12/2017, a cross-sectional survey was administered to national experts, in order to update the compiled information.RESULTS: Data were available in 31 countries, and validated by national experts in 28 of them. National vaccination programmes targeted girls 9-15 years of age in 30 countries and boys in 11 countries. HPV-VCR in girls was monitored in 25 countries: VCR was reported ≥71%(high) in ten countries, 51-70% in seven, 31-50% in four, and ≤30%(very low) in four. In high VCR countries, HPV vaccination was mainly delivered through school health services, and invitation and reminders to attend for vaccination were used. In areas with very low VCR, vaccination tended to be opportunistic and no reminders were used.CONCLUSION: According to our findings, school delivery within structured vaccination programmes and the use of reminders tended to be associated with highest HPV-VCR.

By 2050, one in four people will be aged 65 or over. The aging of the population coincides with an increase in older road users since far more elderly will actively participate in traffic. As a result, the road safety situation of the elderly will also change since the normal ageing process makes people more prone to experience functional declines that can make driving a car more difficult. The fatal accident risk for elderly cyclists and pedestrians is also many times higher than for elderly car drivers. In the light of these challenges, this report has explored the road safety risks and main trends for older road user groups (drivers, passengers and pedestrians). Fragility, illnesses and functional limitations, urban roads, walking and medication appear to be the key risk factors of elderly road users. A comprehensive and proactive strategy is required to address these risk factors and meet the safety and mobility needs of elderly road users in the (near) future. This strategy will include all policy levels and needs to apply a "design for all" approach based on a package of interventions in the area of infrastructure, education & training, licensing & enforcement and vehicle & ITS technologies. ; En 2050, une personne sur quatre aura 65 ans ou plus. Le vieillissement de la population est associé avec une augmentation des usagers de la route âgés. Par conséquent, la sécurité routière changera aussi puisque le vieillissement rend les gens plus sensibles aux limitations fonctionnelles qui peuvent rendre la conduite d'une voiture plus difficile. Le risque d'accident mortel pour les cyclistes et les piétons âgés est aussi plus élevé que pour les conducteurs âgés. A la lumière de ces évolutions, ce projet a exploré les risques de la sécurité routière et les tendances principales pour les groupes d'usagers de la route âgés (conducteurs, passagers et piétons). La vulnérabilité, des maladies et des limitations fonctionnelles liées à l'âge, les voies urbaines, le piétonnage et la consommation de médicaments ont été identifiés comme les facteurs de risque principaux. Donc, une stratégie globale et proactive est nécessaire pour répondre à ces facteurs de risque et pour rencontrer les besoins futurs des personnes âgées par rapport à la sécurité routière et la mobilité. Cette stratégie comprendra tous les niveaux politiques et doit appliquer une approche basée sur un ensemble d'interventions dans les domaines de l'infrastructure routière, l'éducation, l'entraînement, la réglementation relative au permis de conduire et la technologie des véhicules.

AbstractThis article explores the neglected relationship between conservatism as political theory and conservatism as political practice using the example of recent immigration to Europe. A cursory glance at how European politicians have responded to migration challenges suggests that they roughly divide into an open‐arm, leftist 'liberal' camp and a right‐wing 'conservative' one. The situation, however, is more complex. This article engages with the resources of conservative theory to argue that there are many distinct conservative theoretical positions for any one policy point. Using contemporary migration patterns as a case study, the findings suggest that Conservative parties have not borrowed much from conservative theory in its variety of incarnations. In fact, conservative theory can buttress a course of action that is generous toward migrants and at odds with the claims of right‐wing populist movements. While certain strands of conservatism imagine a homogenous people, there are others that are no less pro‐pluralism than liberal theories, and sometimes more so.

European integration has grown increasingly differentiated. EU member countries now integrate at different speeds and frequently resort to opt-out clauses, while occasionally voicing deep discontent with the direction of the integration process. Nevertheless, European integration essentially remains a single-track enterprise, whereby member countries move in the same direction under the same set of EU institutions. Offering a novel perspective on EU integration, we argue that the real puzzle is not why integration has become differentiated but rather why it has not become more differentiated. Using a simple formal model to illustrate and deepen our argument, we throw new light on the bewildering coexistence of unity, discontent, and differentiation in the European project. We show that a twin-track Europe would likely leave more EU members discontented.

Preliminary Material -- 1 Communities, Histories, and Dialects in Bahrain and the Wider Gulf -- 2 Phonology -- 3 Morphology (I) -- 4 Morphology (II) -- 5 Syntax -- 6 Style in Spoken Discourse -- 7 Some Trends in Dialectal Change Since the Mid-1970s -- Further addenda and corrigenda to Volume 1.