Suchergebnisse

Erwartungen an die neue Regierung und Beurteilung der Regierungsspitze.

Themen: Wichtigste Probleme in Deutschland; Parteipräferenz
(Sonntagsfrage); persönliche Erwartungen an die geplante Steuerreform;
Beurteilung der Steuerreform; Einstellung zur Senkung des
Spitzensteuersatzes; Einstellung zur Erhöhung der Mineralölsteuer und
zum Ausstieg aus der Atomenergie; Einstellung zur Korrektur der
Absenkung des Rentenniveaus; erwartete Politik der neuen Mitte durch die
neue Regierung; Prestigeverlust für den Kanzler durch den Amtsverzicht
des Wirtschaftsministerkandidaten Stollmann; Zufriedenheit mit der
Besetzung der einzelnen Ministerposten; vermutete
Problemlösungskompetenz der neuen Regierung; Erwartung großer
politischer Veränderungen durch den Regierungswechsel; Aufbruchstimmung
durch den Regierungswechsel; erwartete Senkung der Arbeitslosigkeit.

Demographie: Alter; Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung; Familienstand;
Berufstätigkeit; eigene Arbeitsplatzgefährdung; berufliche Position;
Haushaltsgröße und Personen im Alter von 18 Jahren und älter;
Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Konfession; Kirchgangshäufigkeit;
Geschlecht; Bundesland; Ortsgröße.

A little later this morning, President Preval will be meeting with the President. As the first democratically elected President to succeed an elected incumbent, his visit marks a turning point in Haitian history and in U.S.-Haitian relations. President Preval will also be talking to Members of Congress about the need for economic reform in Haiti, as well as his vision for the development of the rule of law and democratic institutions in Haiti, and the importance of continued U.S. support in these areas.

Selected official statements and documents from US sources on developments in Haiti and US support for newly elected Haitian President René Préval.

This Discussion Paper is based on a conceptual and analytical reading of cases of unconstitutional change of government in Africa. It provides a deep and up-to-date exploration of the prospects for democratic consolidation on the continent against the backdrop of an upsurge in unconstitutional changes of government. Rather than focus only on the internal threats to democracy in Africa, the author also analyses the role of neighbouring states, regional organisations and hegemonic forces within the international community in advancing or limiting democracy. In this regard, this work sheds light on why the pursuit of the liberal democratic project in Africa has so far appeared to alienate ordinary people, while providing space for dominant elites to tamper with democratic institutions and processes, which then work against popular participation and democratic development. This paper is essential reading for scholars, policy practitioners, analysts and all those with an interest in the prospects for democracy in Africa.

In autumn 2012, Georgia underwent a development that is already being described as historical. Following an emotional and at times hostile election contest, the Georgian parliamentary elections on 1 October led to a change of government, which the country is hailing as proof of its democratic maturity. President Mikheil Saakashvili's United National Movement party, which had been in power for the last nine years and held a two-thirds majority in the last parliament, suffered a clear defeat against a coalition of six opposition parties, none of whom had been represented in the previous parliament. Saakashvili will remain in office until 2013. What course will the new coalition government under Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili now set in domestic and foreign policy? Will the incumbent president, who is endowed with a wide range of powers, and the new government be able to work together in the run-up to the 2013 presidential elections or will they become entrenched in bitter rivalry? (author's abstract)

Georgien erlebte im Herbst 2012 eine Entwicklung, die heute schon als historisch bezeichnet wird. Nach einem emotionalen, ja feindselig geführten Wahlkampf bewirkten die Parlamentswahlen am 1. Oktober einen Regierungswechsel, den das Land für sich als Beweis demokratischer Reife verbucht. Die seit neun Jahren regierende Vereinigte Nationale Bewegung von Präsident Micheil Saakaschwili, die im Parlament zuletzt über eine Zweidrittelmehrheit verfügt hatte, erlitt eine klare Niederlage gegen eine Koalition aus Oppositionskräften, die im auslaufenden Parlament noch nicht vertreten waren. Saakaschwili selbst wird noch bis 2013 im Amt bleiben. Welche Akzente wird nun die neue Koalitionsregierung unter Premierminister Bidsina Iwanischwili in der Innen- und Außenpolitik setzen? Werden der noch amtierende, mit hoher Machtfülle ausgestattete Präsident und die neue Regierung bis zur Präsidentschaftswahl 2013 zusammenarbeiten oder sich in konfliktreicher Konkurrenz verschleißen? (Autorenreferat)

In autumn 2012, Georgia underwent a development that is already being described as historical. Following an emotional and at times hostile election contest, the Georgian parliamentary elections on 1 October led to a change of government, which the country is hailing as proof of its democratic maturity. President Mikheil Saakashvili's United National Movement party, which had been in power for the last nine years and held a two-thirds majority in the last parliament, suffered a clear defeat against a coalition of six opposition parties, none of whom had been represented in the previous parliament. Saakashvili will remain in office until 2013. What course will the new coalition government under Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili now set in domestic and foreign policy? Will the incumbent president, who is endowed with a wide range of powers, and the new government be able to work together in the run-up to the 2013 presidential elections or will they become entrenched in bitter rivalry?