Suchergebnisse

All actors in Central-East Europe face the changing role of different regions. In Hungary, the regional policy of the new government recasts chances and duties of former development regions with primary focus on counties. The article deals with a specific region along Southern course of river Tisza. We prove that this part of a wider European region, a sometime organic one, is actually object of reintegration. We analyze different conditions and dimensions of altering relations which play eminent role in the reinforcement of the organic character. The perspective of local actors in the next period, can be found in he new European Danube Strategy, as long as they are ready to organize themselves on appropriate regional base. Danube Strategy will be filled with real content if each identity region will be ready to accommodate itself in the new and wider European structure of a functional macroregion called Danube Region. We conclude that appropriate management of conditions supports the ongoing European and inner integration process.

The presentation is a summary of the experiences of régiónál development over a quarter of a century, from the aspect of Hungárián bordér researches. European integration and the unfurling Schengen process changed the relationship of Hungárián régiónál Science and bordér researches in the interpretation of territorial processes. There was a gradual shift of focus by régiónál policies: the so-called "Trianon-syndrome", the analysis of the traditional controlling and restricting functions of State borders was gradually replaced by the analysis of the character of cross-border cooperations. From the point of view of development policy, the tight relationship of régiónál Science and bordér research was founded by the need fór the utilisation of internál and extemal resources, which is the prime motivation of cross-border relations. It is beyond doubt that the use of Hungárián and even more so the EU régiónál supports can effectively serve the moderation of the development disparities of bordér regions, the catching up of the extemal (bordér) peripheries, the "unification" of the spatial structural functions disintegrated by the Peace Treaty of Trianon, the creation and cohesion of a functioning macro-regional economic space in the Carpathian Basin - and all in all the issue of European integration, the improvement of neighbourhood relations.

Introduction: Contexts of Gypsy/Roma identity and history -- On the sources of Gypsy/Roma history -- Who (what) is (was) Hungarian or Gypsy/Roma? -- "Comrades, if you have a heart" : the history of the Gypsy issue, 1945-1961 -- The construction and spread of the state socialist system -- Policy and Gypsies -- Modernization and Gypsy communities -- Disciplinary state -- The impossibility of self-organization -- Minority issue -- Discourses on social policy and equality -- "Life goes on" : the Hungarian party-state and assimilation -- Social policy and the Gypsies -- Wage work -- Housing -- Social system -- Education -- Scientific approaches -- Gypsy images -- The transformation of discourse -- Disciplinary power, disciplinary society -- Police and agents -- "Health supervisors" -- The national minority issue -- National movement -- The "ethnic interpretation" of history -- Roma policy after the regime change -- Minority issue -- Prospects for multiculturalism -- Minority (self-)government? -- Divide at Impera : the opportunities and impossibilities of self-organization -- Movement -- National minority culture, national culture -- Questions of equal treatment and equal opportunity -- Anti-discrimination -- Equal opportunity -- Roma programs -- Education -- Employment -- Social policy and the Roma -- Aid -- Segregation -- Disciplinary society -- The transformation of discourses -- Research methods -- Panopticon : Roma policy, 2010-2015 -- The Hungarian National Cooperation System -- The anti-egalitarian character of the system -- Changing minority legislation -- New social policy? -- Violence -- The shift -- Summary: Decades of exclusion

The period of the interim unconstitutional administration in Hungary (5.11. 1861-18.07.1865), the socalled 'Schmerling-Provisorium' had certain dual character concerning operating conditions of the civil associations. After the paralysis of the former decade the quantitative as well as qualitative indicators showed dynamic development having started already in 1857/58. On the other hand, the mechanisms of direct and indirect state control of their operation were turning even more oppressing. Through confidential and never published instructions Count Mor Palffy who as governor stood at the head of public administration of Hungary strove in these years to work out and enforce ever more and more stipulations in order to restrict their autonomy. Before 1864 he did not intend to issue new general regulation in this respect, instead he endeavoured to build further restrictive instructions into the statutes of the new associations. In 1864, nonetheless, he made an attempt at enforcing new comprehensive regulation, without success. In the Western provinces of the Austrian Empire the mere existence of the recently founded constitutional political institutions, first of all of the 'Reichsrat', prevented any similar attempt at bringing civil associatios under strict state control, moreover, Palffy himself considered the matter of associations as an provincial affair and not as an imperial one, thus he had to look for potential political supporters first of all among the high ranking Hungarian civil servants. The latter, however, mostly deemed Palffy's aspiration to be definetely harmful on the chances of any future political settlement.

There were two significant milestones in the lives of Central and Eastern European countries. One was the political, social and economic change of regime during which the former centralized system was demolished. The other was the accession to the European Union, which provided an opportunity for this macro region for convergence as well as a social, economic and regional cohesion in Europe. Both of them had a significant effect on the development policy of the countries, thus that of Hungary as well. The exclusivity of the top-down policy ceased. Nevertheless, due to the learning of democratic patterns, the lack of balance in political power and the lack of funds a kind of reflection period was characteristic of the development policy the result of which was a kind of mixture of top-down and bottom-up policy. By joining the European Union clear external rules and mechanisms of action came into effect. Significant funds became accessible that strengthened the centralization and the top-down approach in the Hungarian development policy. The regional dimensions of the development endeavours appeared in many different ways in our country, but finally the regional formations that were suitable for serving the top-down development policy strengthened. The individual areas were affected miscellaneously by the regional dimension of the development tendencies. While funds were provided by the European Union for them, the bottom-up initiatives were not sufficiently welcomed. Such an area is in many ways that of Lake Balaton, which is homogeneous as far as tourism is concerned but administratively, thus from the perspective of development policy, it is split. Due to the top-down approach as well as the strengthening of the bureaucratic development policy the role of this area in the development policy is fading. This can later have a negative effect on the valuable, unique character of the region.