Suchergebnisse

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

Abortion has become a common practice in modern China since the implementation of birth limitation policy in the 1950s. In recent decades, the growing prevalence of abortion among young unmarried migrant workers has aroused public concern. Socially, abortion among this group of young women is often seen as a reproductive health problem or anomalous phenomenon that needs to be managed and handled; at the individual level, abortion is singled out as a behavioural misconduct of young women, which signifies their moral failure. However, these indiscreet and injudicious perceptions fail to acknowledge the complexity and structural dynamics behind their choices.While past studies have examined abortion through perspectives including law, morality, policy and reproductive health, or analyzed its impact on macro politics and institutions at a societal level, few of them have looked into the authentic experiences of these women and examined the whole issue from the perspective of interpersonal and gender dynamics. To fill the gap of knowledge, the present study aims at comprehending this distinctive life event of women and reflecting women's agency. Through conducting intensive ethnographic observation and in-depth interviews with 20 unmarried female migrant workers aged from 17 to 28 years old with diverse background, the underlining forces behind the occurrence of abortion are revealed, such as the influence of state family planning policy, the complex changes of lifestyle under market reform,and the heavy influence of partners and families on the decisions concerning marriage and childbirth. This study also traces the process within which abortion decisions are made, from sexual contacts, contraceptive uses, abortion decision-making,to the negotiation between partners, depicting women's responses to structural constraints and how their choices are made under the influence of migration. ...

Yeung Hoi-Shan Frances. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-101). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Civil society and democracy ; Chapter 2.2 --- Civil society and public/ private dichotomy ; Chapter 2.3 --- The private sphere as the cultural foundation of civil society ; Chapter 2.4 --- The boundary between public and private in Mao China ; Chapter 2.5 --- Reshaping of the boundary between public and private in post-Mao Era ; Chapter 2.6 --- The cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 2.7 --- Residents' Committees of China ; Chapter 2.8 --- Methodology ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Routines of Residents' Committees ; Chapter 3.1 --- Dongshan District: pioneer of reforming Residents' Committees in Guangzhou --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Residents' Committee X ; Chapter 3.3 --- Duties of juiwei ; Chapter 3.4 --- The one-child policy ; Chapter 3.5 --- Dengue Fever Prevention ; Chapter 3.6 --- Clearances of security nets ; Chapter 3.7 --- Leasehold house management ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Opinions of Guangzhou Residents --- p.48 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Life in the community ; Chapter 4.2 --- Ling ; Chapter 4.3 --- Mr. Peng ; Chapter 4.4 --- Mrs. Tang ; Chapter 4.5 --- Mr. Song ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Residents' Perceptions of the Private Sphere --- p.65 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Four domains of the private sphere ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perceptions of the four private domains of residents ; Chapter 5.3 --- The right to private property: a shield against intrusion ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.83 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Implications for the cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 6.2 --- Limitations of the study and suggestions for future research ; Bibliography --- p.90

Lee Chun Wing John. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-181). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; Acknowledgements --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.13 ; Theories in Social Movements --- p.13 ; High-risk Activism --- p.20 ; Collective Identity and Personal/Individual Identity --- p.22 ; Frame Analysis and Identity --- p.29 ; Sources of Data --- p.31 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Who are They? --- p.36 ; The Emergence of the Hong Kong Identity --- p.37 ; Phase One --- p.42 ; Phase Two --- p.46 ; Phase Three --- p.51 ; Phase Four --- p.57 ; Phase Five --- p.62 ; Phase Six --- p.66 ; Summary --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Who are We? --- p.71 ; What is Collective Identity? --- p.72 ; A Common Objective --- p.75 ; Negotiation --- p.80 ; Consciousness: Rule of Law? --- p.84 ; Consciousness: Rights --- p.86 ; Affection Developed through Interaction --- p.92 ; Lack of Unity --- p.98 ; ´بSaiWan´ة --- p.100 ; Summary --- p.103 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Who am I? (I) --- p.107 ; Social Identity Theory and Social Movements --- p.108 ; Relative Deprivation --- p.114 ; Illegitimate Inequality --- p.120 ; Views on Outgroups --- p.120 ; Movement Not the Best Option --- p.123 ; Fighting for Individual Status Improvement? --- p.127 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Who am I? (II) --- p.131 ; Identity Theory --- p.132 ; A 'Child' Identity --- p.136 ; Psychological Centrality --- p.139 ; Commitments --- p.142 ; Changes after Participation --- p.145 ; Summary --- p.147 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Conclusion --- p.150 ; Why They Participated? --- p.150 ; Why Some of Them are so Committed? Why Some of them Want to Quit? --- p.153 ; Politics and the Right of Abode Movement --- p.156 ; Implications --- p.159 ; Identity Politics? --- p.163 ; Appendix --- p.167 ; Bibliography --- p.169

The study of Chinese labour politics has returned to the centre of scholarly interest as China has increasingly become involved in global production and trade. As the incidence of labour dispute and workers' strikes continued to soar, ubiquitous cases of labour rights abuse have been widely reported by international media and academics. The literature of Marxist international political economy has long predicted the insurgency of the Chinese working class resulting from rising inequality, global capital movement and labour division. In contrast, traditional Chinese labour studies are inconclusive as to whether the Chinese working class has gained enough class consciousness to become a cohesive agent for social and political change. This research examines how rising economic, social and political inequalities have impacted on the Chinese working class's agency. The research shifts the focus from top-down structural analysis to workers' agency itself, with an emphasis on their cognitive strength. The research was undertaken via a two-case comparative study of the Chinese working class in four megacities and four smaller cities. Data came mostly from statistics and field interviews. This two-case comparative study concludes that, overall, the Chinese working class had a weak behavioural strength, as manifested by inconsistent wildcat-style strikes, which had no clear political strategies. This research also concludes that the working class's cognitive agency is weak and conservative, as manifested by a weak class identification, their poor understanding of democracy, their low willingness to participate in collective action, and their weak sense of class solidarity. I argue that inequalities and capital movement do not have a simple and unidirectional relationship with the working class's collective agency. On the one hand, inequalities and capital movement can arouse the working class's behavioural strength quickly. On the other hand, workers' cognitive strength is more inert and does not correspond neatly to these two factors. The research findings show that the megacities are more economically developed, with higher inequalities, but with considerably weaker and more conservative working class agency; whereas the smaller cities are less economically developed, with lower inequalities, but with less weak and conservative working class agency. The addition of cognitive strength as a new dimension of working class study provides a pluralist analytical framework for the study of Chinese labour. The new Chinese working class are better educated and more individualised with three main characteristics - occupation-based, precarious, and conservative - which distinguish them from the older generations of workers who had a clear group identification, such as the SOE workers in the 1990s, and the rural migrant workers in the 2000s. These theoretical and empirical findings open up possibilities of new strategies for effective labour organisation that should be considered by labour NGOs, civil society and the government. These players not only need to manage the working class action carefully, but also need to better understand the workers' complex cognitive situations.

本論文從兩個方面研究了1996年美國福利制度改革對單身母親的影響。首先,本文研究了在SSI和AFDC/TANF兩個政府福利計劃之間是否存在替代效應。其次,本文研究了福利制度改革是否令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化(沒有參與工作亦沒有領取政府福利),以及研究她們的長期生活情況。利用美國三個具代表性的調查數據庫, difference-in-difference分析以及logistic回歸分析方法,本文有以下四點結論:(一)SSI和AFDC計劃之間並不存在替代效應;(二)對AFDC/TANF計劃實行五年的領取期限令到部分單身母親變得邊緣化;(三)在年福利改革之後,被邊緣化的單身母親在食物消費上並沒有發生太大的變化;(四)被邊緣化的單身母親傾向將她們多餘的時間分配在個人娛樂方面而不是在家務和照顧小孩上面。雖然年的福利改革成功地減少了領取/計劃的人數,但政策制定者仍需注意改革令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化,同時應制定相關政策來幫助她們。 ; This paper studies the effect of the 1996 welfare reform on single mothers, focusing on two important aspects. First, it examines the existence of programme substitution between SSI and former AFDC/TANF recipients after the reform. Second, it examines the prevalence of single mothers who were disconnected from government assistance and the job market since the reform and evaluates their long-term well-being. Using three major nationally representative surveys, difference-in-difference analysis, and logistic regression models, I arrive at four main findings. First, I find no evidence of a programme substitution effect between AFDC/TANF and SSI. Second, the five-year time limit policy is suggested as being responsible for part of the increase in the disconnected rate among single mothers. Third, disconnected single mothers did not face a food insecurity problem after welfare reform. Fourth, disconnected single mothers allocate much more time to personal entertainment than to productive activities such as housework and child care. While the 1996 welfare reform has succeeded in reducing AFDC/TANF caseloads, policy makers should pay attention to its effects on the disconnectedness of single mothers and help such women leave their disconnected status. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Hoi, Kam Un. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-62). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 摘要 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- The AFDC Programme and the 1996 Welfare ...

本項研究旨在探討近代中國男性知識分子性別與國族論述之間的互動關係,藉以突顯近年學者利用後殖民性別/國族理論模式解釋上述問題的盲點和不足之處。 ; 根據後殖民性別/國族理論的觀點,反殖民男性精英的性別與國族論述之間呈現出對立和矛盾,這成為了學者們以性別角度,批評近代中國國族主義的基調。然而,本研究要論證的正是這種後殖民性別/國族理論難以完全解釋近代中國歷史語境中的相關議題。 ; 本文第一章探討康有為的「男女平等」論述如何假借儒家傳統「聖人」的論述模式,開拓現代性別平等的論說空間;第二章分析金天翮在晚清國族主義脈絡下建構的「女權」論述,如何為當時女權主義者打開批判男權統治的論述場域;第三章闡述周作人五四時期的「女性」論述如何通過新性道德討論,以及批判父權意識型態,創建女性主體性的論述模式;第四章解析張競生的「女體」論述如何將女性情慾與國族論述連結起來,開創女性情慾自主論的空間。通過四位知識分子的思想分析,本文勾勒出晚清以迄五四這個歷史階段較突出的性別/國族論述模式,闡釋近代中國性別與國族論述之間的互動關係。 ; This research aims to explore the interactive relation between gender and nation in the discourse of the Modern Chinese intellectuals. Through details examination of the interactive discourse of gender and nation, this study seeks to demonstrate the inadequacy of the postcolonial critique of the nationalist bias on gender. ; According to the gender analyses of the post-colonialists, gender and nation appear to be placed in opposition and conflict with one another. It is from this perspective of gender that many Chinese study scholars advance their critique on Chinese nationalism. However what I want to argue in this thesis is that such application of the post-colonial critique on gender and nation is over-representation of the gender/nation discourse in the context of Modern China. ; In the first chapter of this thesis, I shall demonstrate how the discourse of Kang Youwei on "equality between men and women (「男女平等」)has revised the conception of the "Confucian sagefor the alignment with the modern discourse on equality of gender. In the second chapter, I shall how Chin Sung-ts'en's(「金天翮」) dissemination of the conception of" Women's Right(「女權」) has inspired the female elite to criticize the patriarchy in the context of the national discourse on Late Qing period. In the third chapter, I shall examine how Zhou Zuoren's(周作人) discourse on women (「女性」)has, through his participation in the construction of the "New Sexual Morality and his critique of the ideology of patriarchy, constructed the discursive foundation of female subjectivity during May Fourth period. And ...