On May 21, 2011, precisely when the president of Chile Sebastían Piñera was ready to address the Chilean parliament regarding legislative initiatives for the upcoming year, more than 20,000 students gathered outside the parliamentary building calling on the government to address problems within the education system. Diego Vela, president of FEUC, a prominent student organization, stated the following: "Since it is a year with presidential and parliamentary elections, it opens up the opportunity to influence the main platforms and look for structural changes" (I Love Chile). President Piñera's speech, however, ignored student demands, and consequently students intensified their campaign by announcing new rallies and threatening an indefinite strike if government did not meet their demands. Students began overtaking schools and universities. Books were burned and school desks were used to barricade school entrances (Guzman-Concha 2013, 413-414).
Durant la redacció d'aquest article es discuteix a Xile l'elaboració i posada en marxa d'un nou model educatiu que substitueixi les lògiques i les estructures educatives que va imposar la dictadura militar a partir de 1981. Tot això s'està fent com a conseqüència de més de tres anys de mobilitzacions socials i estudiantils que van portar a discussió pública el que la evidència empírica venia mostrant reiteradament des de feia dècades. Aquest article pretén, a través de l'anàlisi hermenèutic, identificar els principals trets ideològics que van sustentar el model educatiu xilè durant els últims trenta anys i la influencia que això ha tingut en la formació d'un determinat tipus de ciutadà, individualista, consumista i despolititzat. Així també, es busca mostrar i descriure detalladament les causes i les conseqüències del fracàs d'un sistema educatiu com el que aquí s'ha analitzat, després de que hagin passat tres dècades des de la seva imposició. ; During the writing of the following article, it is discussed the importance of setting a new educational model in Chile to substitute the former doctrines of those educational structures imposed by the military government since 1981. This is the consequence of more than three years of social mobilization led by university students and other social groups that brought to public discussion something that had been showed with strong and concrete evidence for decades. This article intends, by means of a hermeneutic analysis, to identify the main ideological features that supported the current educational model in Chile during the last thirty years and its influence on the training of an individualistic, capitalist and depoliticized citizen. Furthermore, this paper tries to show and describe the details, causes and consequences of an unsuccessful educational system after three decades from its imposition. ; Durante la redacción de este artículo, se está discutiendo en el Congreso Nacional de Chile la elaboración e implementación de un nuevo modelo educativo que remplace las lógicas y estructuras educativas que impuso la dictadura militar a partir de 1981. Todo esto como consecuencia de más de tres años de movilizaciones sociales y estudiantiles que trajeron a la discusión pública lo que la evidencia empírica venía señalando reiteradamente desde hacía décadas. El presente artículo, por medio de un análisis hermenéutico y crítico, pretende identificar los principales rasgos ideológicos que sustentaron el modelo educativo presente en Chile durante los últimos treinta años y la influencia que esto ha tenido en la formación de un determinado tipo de ciudadano, individualista, consumista y despolitizado. Así yambién, se busca mostrar y describir pormenorizadamente las causas y consecuencias del fracaso de un sistema educativo como el aquí analizado, luego de tres décadas de su imposición
The transformation of the education system under the neoliberal principles of privatisation andmarket counted in Chile firstly on the military power of Pinochet's dictatorship (1973-1990) andthen on the consent of the coalition of centre-left wing parties which governed between 1990 and2010 without shaking the foundations of the model. The analysis of that process has concentratedpredominantly on the state actors, while less attention have been put on non-state actors. Thegoal of this article is presenting the results of an exploratory study of the think-tank 'Liberty andDevelopment [Libertad y Desarrollo], so describing and analysing its origins, components,educational project, and action strategies. It is concluded that the case allows identifying newforms of education policy-making which are related with the blurriness of the private and public.
Chile's education system can foster stronger economic, democratic and social development in the country. There are significant macroeconomic benefits to education, such as increased productivity. That said, individuals tend to benefit the most from high-quality, equitable education systems. In 2004, the OECD performed a review of national education policies and an analysis of the Chilean education system. This review aims to identify key changes in the Chilean education system mainly from 2004-16, in order to analyse where education in Chile stands today and offer recommendations to help provide better education opportunities for all Chileans in the coming years. The review therefore examines different areas of education policy in Chile, from early childhood education and care (ECEC) to higher education.
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This current article is an interview made with Francisco Figueroa. Francisco is a Chilean university student who was Vice-President of Student Federation from University of Chile between 2010 and 2011. He, like other students, was leading the mass student demonstrations in 2011 who demanded a radical reform of the Chilean education system. As a militant of Autonomous Left and director of Fundacion Nodo XXI, he gave in this interview his own political opinion about process of political construction of the student movement and what challenges the student movement is currently facing in order to create possibilities for a deep social and radical transformation of democracy and education in the Chilean society.
La transformación de la educación bajo los principios neoliberales de privatización y competencia contó en Chile con la fuerza de la dictadura militar en un inicio (1973-1990) y luego con la venia de la coalición de partidos de centro-izquierda, la 'Concertación', que gobernó entre 1990 y 2010 sin remover los pilares del modelo. En el análisis de este proceso se ha puesto poca atención a la participación de los actores no estatales involucrados. El objetivo de este artículo es presentar los resultados de un estudio exploratorio del think-tank de derecha Libertad y Desarrollo, abordando su historia, composición, proyecto en materia educativa y estrategias de acción. Se concluye que el caso permite visibilizar nuevas formas de hacer política educativa, propias de un contexto en que los límites de lo público y privado se encuentran cada vez más difuminados. ; The transformation of the education system under the neoliberal principles of privatisation and market counted in Chile firstly on the military power of Pinochet's dictatorship (1973-1990) and then on the consent of the coalition of centre-left wing parties which governed between 1990 and 2010 without shaking the foundations of the model. The analysis of that process has concentrated predominantly on the state actors, while less attention have been put on non-state actors. The goal of this article is presenting the results of an exploratory study of the think-tank 'Liberty and Development [Libertad y Desarrollo], so describing and analysing its origins, components, educational project, and action strategies. It is concluded that the case allows identifying new forms of education policy-making which are related with the blurriness of the private and public. ; Grupo FORCE (HUM-386). Departamento de Didáctica y Organización Escolar de la Universidad de Granada.
A formal model of the Chilean dual health system is presented, which, for appropriate parameters, replicates the observed age segmentation of the population between the private insurance market and the public health insurance. The model is used to compare the level of welfare obtained in the current mixed system with the levels of welfare that could be obtained in alternative "pure" systems, either only private or only public. It is also used to determine how the result of this comparison is affected by intergenerational distribution of income. Finally, the model is used to show that the creation of a mandatory individual savings account to finance the elderly's health insurance could improve the performance of the Chilean health sector by reducing intergenerational inequality. ; Se presenta un modelo formal del sistema dual de salud chileno, el cual, para valores de parámetros apropiados, replica la segmentación por edad observada entre los seguros de salud privados (ISAPREs) y el seguro público (FONASA). El modelo se utiliza para comparar el nivel de bienestar alcanzado en el actual sistema mixto con los niveles que podrían ser alcanzados con las alternativas "puras", ya sea sólo seguros privados o sólo un seguro público. También se usa para determinar cómo el resultado de esta comparación es afectado por la distribución intergeneracional de ingreso. Finalmente, el modelo es utilizado para mostrar que la creación de cuentas de ahorro individuales obligatorias, para financiar los seguros de salud durante la vejez, puede mejorar el desempeño del sistema de salud chileno al reducir la desigualdad intergeneracional.
We analysed the Chilean university student selection processes, comparing 'First Generation' and 'Continuist' students, using the Chilean Higher Education population databases (2000–2015). Findings confirm that 60 percent of participants in the selection process are First Generation students. The data registers an increasing self‐exclusion phenomenon. Of the students who did not take the selection test after enrolling, 80 percent are First Generation and 18 are enrolled in a selective university, compared to 44 in the Continuist conglomerate. These differences may be explained by cultural capital in the Bourdieu sense, in conjunction with a diversified, massified and marketalised higher education system.
The Chilean health care system has been intensively reformed in the past 20 years. Reforms under the Pinochet government (1973-1990) aimed mainly at the decentralization of the system and the development of a private sector. Decentralization involved both a deconcentration process and the devolution of primary health care to municipalities. The democratic governments after 1990 chose to preserve the core organization but introduced reforms intended to correct the system's failures and to increase both efficiency and equity. The present article briefly explains the current organization of the Chilean health care system. It also reviews the different reforms introduced in the past 20 years, from the Pinochet regime to the democratic governments. Finally, a brief discussion describes the strengths and weaknesses of the system, as well as the challenges it currently faces. ; El sistema de salud chileno ha sido intensamente reformado en los últimos 20 años. Las reformas bajo el gobierno de Pinochet (1973-1990) apuntaron principalmente a la descentralización del sistema y al desarrollo del sector privado. La descentralización involucró un proceso de desconcentración y la devolución de las unidades de atención primaria a las municipalidades. Los gobiernos democráticos posteriores a 1990 escogieron preservar el núcleo organizacional, pero las reformas introducidas buscaron corregir las fallas del sistema y aumentar la eficacia y la equidad. El presente artículo explica brevemente la organización actual del sistema de salud chileno y revisa las diferentes reformas introducidas en los últimos 20 años desde el régimen de Pinochet hasta los gobiernos democráticos. Finalmente, presenta una discusión breve para describir las fortalezas y debilidades del sistema, así como los desafíos que enfrenta actualmente.
Examines whether the electoral system reduced the number of relevant political parties, whether it succeeded in transforming the competitive dynamic of the party system, and the significance of coalition politics; 1980s and 1990s.
