Student affairs administration in Chinese universities is characterised by a dual-layer system of governance, with student affairs practitioners, i.e. advisors to students, being supervised by either central university administration or by affiliated colleges. In the last decade, government-oriented developments have achieved great success in China. This paper introduces the background and major strategies adopted by the Chinese government in professionalising university advisors. Major challenges are analysed, and solutions to address these challenges are proposed.Keywords student affairs educators, professionalisation, professional development, higher education, China
Student affairs administration in Chinese universities is characterised by a dual-layer system of governance, with student affairs practitioners, i.e. advisors to students, being supervised by either central university administration or by affiliated colleges. In the last decade, government-oriented developments have achieved great success in China. This paper introduces the background and major strategies adopted by the Chinese government in professionalising university advisors. Major challenges are analysed, and solutions to address these challenges are proposed.
See also: • « Yu xin zhengquan jiemeng de zhishifenzi: Zhonghua renmin gongheguo chuqi de ji ge ceying, 1949-1952 » 与新政权结盟的知识分子: 中华人民共和国初期的几个侧影 (The intellectuals Rallied to the New Regime: Facets of the Early Years of the PRC, 1949-1952), Zhongguo dangdai shi yanjiu, n°3, 2011, p. 72-90.• « Shanghai entre guerre et révolution (1937-1949) » in Nicolas Idier (dir.), Shanghai. Histoire, promenades, anthologie et dictionnaire, Paris, Robert Laffont, coll. « Bouquins », 2010, p. 60-96.• « Histoire et mémoire des Cent fleurs et de la répression antidroitière en Chine, 1978-2008 », Revue Espaces Marx, n°26, 2009, p. 74-88.• « D'un régime à l'autre : les intellectuels ralliés au pouvoir communiste, 1948-1952 », Études chinoises, vol. XXVII, 2008, p. 42-86. ; The end of the Mao Era was accompanied neither by a full and complete rehabilitation of the victims of the Anti-Rightist Campaign of 1957, nor by a true historiographical revolution. Thus, the " return " of history's " forgotten ones " first occurred through literature and investigative journalism, which was the main relay for the memory of the victims in the 1980s, before testimony emerged in the following decade. Since then, however, the " historian's territory " has expanded. This article places the questions about the relationship between history and memory within the specific context of the People's Republic of China, where the Party in power claims the right to a monopoly over the interpretation of the past, in order to show how a plural memory is being constructed today, and how a history which " works " with this memory is being written. C.C.J. Occasional Papers
See also: • « Yu xin zhengquan jiemeng de zhishifenzi: Zhonghua renmin gongheguo chuqi de ji ge ceying, 1949-1952 » 与新政权结盟的知识分子: 中华人民共和国初期的几个侧影 (The intellectuals Rallied to the New Regime: Facets of the Early Years of the PRC, 1949-1952), Zhongguo dangdai shi yanjiu, n°3, 2011, p. 72-90.• « Shanghai entre guerre et révolution (1937-1949) » in Nicolas Idier (dir.), Shanghai. Histoire, promenades, anthologie et dictionnaire, Paris, Robert Laffont, coll. « Bouquins », 2010, p. 60-96.• « Histoire et mémoire des Cent fleurs et de la répression antidroitière en Chine, 1978-2008 », Revue Espaces Marx, n°26, 2009, p. 74-88.• « D'un régime à l'autre : les intellectuels ralliés au pouvoir communiste, 1948-1952 », Études chinoises, vol. XXVII, 2008, p. 42-86. ; The end of the Mao Era was accompanied neither by a full and complete rehabilitation of the victims of the Anti-Rightist Campaign of 1957, nor by a true historiographical revolution. Thus, the " return " of history's " forgotten ones " first occurred through literature and investigative journalism, which was the main relay for the memory of the victims in the 1980s, before testimony emerged in the following decade. Since then, however, the " historian's territory " has expanded. This article places the questions about the relationship between history and memory within the specific context of the People's Republic of China, where the Party in power claims the right to a monopoly over the interpretation of the past, in order to show how a plural memory is being constructed today, and how a history which " works " with this memory is being written. C.C.J. Occasional Papers
Annual electric bike (e-bike) sales in China grew from 40,000 in 1998 to 10 million in 2005. This rapid transition from human-powered bicycles and gasoline-powered scooters to an all-electric vehicle/fuel technology system is special in the evolution of transportation technology and, thus far, unique to China. We examine how and why e-bikes developed so quickly in China with particular focus on the key technical, economic, and political factors involved. This case study provides important insights to policy makers in China and abroad on how timely regulatory policy can change the purchase choice of millions and create a new mode of transportation. These lessons are especially important to China as it embarks on a large-scale transition to personal vehicles, but also to other countries seeking more sustainable forms of transportation.
Annual electric bike (e-bike) sales in China grew from 40,000 in 1998 to 10 million in 2005. This rapid transition from human-powered bicycles and gasoline-powered scooters to an all-electric vehicle/fuel technology system is special in the evolution of transportation technology and, thus far, unique to China. We examine how and why e-bikes developed so quickly in China with particular focus on the key technical, economic, and political factors involved. This case study provides important insights to policy makers in China and abroad on how timely regulatory policy can change the purchase choice of millions and create a new mode of transportation. These lessons are especially important to China as it embarks on a large-scale transition to personal vehicles, but also to other countries seeking more sustainable forms of transportation.
The article is devoted to the of national autonomy within the People's Republic of China. In this work has been considered the Chinese phenomena as a modern state, identified the Chinese Constitution provisions concerning national autonomy, examined the history of the emergence and development of the idea of national autonomy in China. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of contemporary Chinese autonomous status: defined types, characteristic features of administrative-territorial division, studied the nature of autonomous government agencies. The analysis of problems in relational concern between People's Republic of China and its national autonomies (Hong Kong, Tibet), Taiwan has been conducted, the ways of solving these problems are offered. In the article the different models of national autonomy applied by China also are compared. ; Статья посвящена проблеме национальной автономии в Китайской Народной Республике. В работе рассмотрен феномен Китая как современного государства, выявлены положения Конституции Китая, касающиеся национальной автономии, исследована история возникновения и развития идеи национальной автономии в Китае. Особое внимание уделено особенностям современного статуса китайских автономных образований: определены их виды, характерные черты их административно-территориального деления, изучена природа органов власти автономий. Проведён анализ проблем в отношениях между Китайской Народной Республикой и её национальными автономиями (Гонконгом, Тибетом), Тайванем, предложены пути решения данных проблем. В статье также проводится сравнение разных моделей национальной автономии, применяемой Китаем.
Typescript (45 pages). The Executive Headquarters was established in Peiping (Peking), China, by order of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, January 11, 1946, as a tripartite organization of the Chinese Nationalist Government, the Chinese Communist Party, and the U.S. Government. Responsible for effecting a cease-fire between Chinese Nationalist and Communist forces, as agreed upon, December 1945, by the Committee of Three, consisting of Gen. Chang Chun for the Nationalists; Gen. Chou En-lai for the Communists; and Gen. George C. Marshall, special envoy of the President. Pursuant to an announcement, January 29, 1947, of U.S. Government's intent to withdraw from Committee of Three and Executive Headquarters, U.S. Branch of Executive Headquarters was abolished by U.S. Branch memorandum CDR 902, February 6, 1947, with residual functions transferred to Sino Liaison Office, established in Peiping Headquarters Group by same memorandum.
The article provides a short introduction to the main topics and aims of this thematic issue on history, culture and modernity in China. It outlines the multi-faceted approaches to a (or more than one) modernity between and beyond Westernisation and Sinicisation as formulated in the twentieth century, be it in Republican China, Taiwan or the People's Republic, and how this is reflected in "Western" historiography on China. For China, (re)articulations of "alternatives" would open up the possibility for more than just one single, homogenising, culturalist-essentialist (and top-down defined) "Chinese dream". Since discussions of modernity are always closely linked to the concerns of the present, shifts in global economy and politics might, in turn, also lead to new conceptions of what a "global modernity" (if such a single entity exists) should mean and how the Chinese case might relate (or contribute) to it.
Introduction. During the years of Ukrainian independence, China has risen from a relatively insignificant country in Asia to the biggest trade partner of Ukraine surpassing even Russia and other post-Soviet republics both in amount and the importance of bilateral trade. To fully understand the current dynamics of bilateral trade between Ukraine and China, it is necessary to explore the history of these relations from ancient times to the current stage to improve the strategy for cooperation between Ukraine and China. Purpose. To study the history of bilateral trade relations of Ukraine and China from first diplomatic contacts to contemporary relations, to identify patterns and trends that affect the dynamics of trade, to outline mistakes and shortcomings of Ukrainian diplomacy, and to provide recommendations for improvement. Result. The revealed pattern of diplomatic and trade relations between Ukraine and China may be considered as an indicator s that China has been viewing Ukraine as a political entity even before the declaration of independence in 1991. International relations between Ukraine and China have a deep and strong historical tradition with a wide range of forms and methods of cooperation in the fields of politics, economics, and culture. Conclusions. The revealed dynamics of bilateral trade prove that the negative trends in trade between Ukraine and China are not always related to the competitiveness of the Ukrainian economy or global market conditions and may have resulted from the mistakes and failures of Ukrainian diplomacy. To prevent these mistakes in the future, it is necessary to have qualified specialists trained to work with China and conduct effective negotiations at the highest level and monitor their correct coverage in the official documents and press.
Accounting and accounting reports in China are currently undergoing massive reform. This current change is a culmination of a number of historical effects. While accounting and accounting reports started early in China. They had a limited focus. Commerce was downplayed and reporting was primarily governmental. These reports were used at various times during the Chinese dynasties for performance evaluation and budgeting or simply to report governmental collections. While reporting changed and improved over time the general status of accounting reports stayed the same until the advent of western influences after the Opium War in I840. Since that time China has undergone several major societal and cultural upheavals. Each major societal change, of necessity changed the accounting and reporting system. However, the basic grass roots of reporting tended to resist change. ln I916 the Qing dynasty introduced new accounting rules but they and the following Nationalist government of China failed to actually implement them. The communistic government which followed easily adopted a central government reporting system that was much closer to the historical systems of the Chinese dynasties. lt has been only since I992 that a international (western) accounting system has been instituted in China.
In this special issue of Cross-Currents, the contributing authors look at how business linked China and the world from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century, and how Chinese and foreign companies interacted with one another, as well as with political power, long before today. Some authors concentrate on material connections, including shipping, banking, the building of railroads, the spread of the motion picture industry, international treaties, and the formation of knowledge, while others investigate the role of business culture and how entrepreneurship and networks of trust crossed borders. Both of these aspects are set against the backdrop of simultaneous Chinese state-building efforts that became evident in the state creation of a national market and the formation of political borders. All of the authors collected here draw on case studies of individual entrepreneurs or companies, just as they draw on the new historical and theoretical scholarship summarized above to fill out the picture of China's economic development within global processes. As the contributions to this issue demonstrate, rethinking Chinese business history also forces us to rethink Chinese urban history more generally. The new pictures of business practice presented here entail a remapping of the spatial dynamics of such activities and thereby a new understanding of the making of urban China.
This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
This dissertation is a study of the conceptual history of fascism in Republican China. It employs the "conceptual history" (Begriffsgeschichte) theory and method constructed by the German historian Reinhart Koselleck (1923-2006), who argues that "basic concepts" (Grundbegriffe) are both "causal factors" and "indicators" of historical change. By exploring how the foreign-imported term "fascism" was introduced, debated, and adapted in the context of China from the 1920s to the 1940s, this dissertation not only illustrates the diachronic changes and synchronic differences that occurred in relation to the meaning of the term "fascism" itself, but also highlights the interrelation of the concept of fascism with the development of Chinese politics in the Republican era. The main findings of this dissertation can be summarized in two points. The first is that fascism played the role of a "basic concept" in Chinese political thought and practice. Once fascism was introduced to China, it quickly became a crucial term for intellectuals and politicians across the political spectrum as they debated both national and international politics. It both reflected and caused the socio-political development of Republican China. Although various actors and groups tended to have different ideas about fascism, all of them were nationalists and pragmatists who expected to find a way to save and revive China by discussing this foreign concept. Their conflicting arguments about fascism (praise or criticism) were also relevant to their respective political standing. They constantly used and reinterpreted the concept according to their purposes, serving their political struggle for ruling power of the country. The second finding is that the notions of fascism and anti-fascism were global phenomena with multinational manifestations. The Chinese case suggests that both were products of an interplay between the global and local contexts. In talking about fascism and anti-fascism, actors in China shared an international perspective and local concerns. They engaged in an intimate dialogue with the outside world whilst also considering China's problems. Hence, the notions of fascism and anti-fascism in Republican China are marked by different characteristics from other countries at the time. By taking a new research approach and finding more historical materials, this research has made its own contribution to the longstanding academic debate on the relationship between the Guomindang (GMD) and fascism. Based on substantial empirical analysis of the various discourses and policies of the GMD, this dissertation argues that the GMD indeed presents characteristics that are clearly fascist. Hence, the GMD regime can be identified as a fascist regime, or at least a "fascistic" one (a regime with some fascist characteristics). This research also broadens the scope so that many groups outside the GMD and periods other than the first half of the 1930s are included. In particular, it presents the introduction and development of the notion of anti-fascism in the context of China. This problem has long been ignored by academia, but it is an indispensable part of the project of drawing a comprehensive picture of the conceptual development of fascism in China. In addition to the introduction and conclusion chapters, the main part of this work consists of five chapters, which are structured in chronological order. Chapter 1 traces the initial stage of the introduction of fascism as a foreign concept in China. It reveals how Chinese intellectuals and politicians understood and used the term "fascism" in the context of the interaction between China and the outside world. Chapters 2 and 3 investigate how different groups interpreted "fascism" for their own purposes in internal and external struggles. These chapters not only disclose the close relationship between the GMD and fascism, but also show the role that the notions of fascism and anti-fascism played in the ideologies and programs of the Nationalists and Communists respectively. Chapters 4 and 5 explore how the development of the international situation led to fascism being fixed as a derogatory term in Chinese public discourse and anti-fascism becoming a source of political legitimacy in the second half of the 1930s and 1940s. Together, these chapters illustrate the international perspective and local concerns of Chinese political thinking.
